Assefa A. Lemu
The Rise of EPRDF: Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front
(EPRDF) is a coalition of four political organizations first established by
Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and the then Ethiopian Peoples’ Democratic Movement (EPDM),
later called Amhara Democratic Movements (ANDM) and now called Amhara
Democratic Party (ADP) in 1989. Then after, the Oromo People's
Democratic Organization (OPDO), now called Oromo Democratic Party (ODP), joined
EPRDF in 1990 and the Southern Ethiopia Peoples’ Democratic Front (SEPDF), now
called Southern Ethiopia Peoples’ Democratic Movement (SEPDM) joined EPRDF in
1992. From the date of its establishment until Dr. Abiy Ahmed of ODP
was elected as a Chairman of EPRDF in March 2018, TPLF was the mastermind of
EPRDF. The other three members were simply subservient member organizations.
As Professor Paulos Milkias summarized in his paper titled “Ethiopia,
the TPLF and Roots of the 2001 Political Tremor”, “In January 1989, it[TPLF]
entered into an alliance with the Ethiopian People's Democratic Movement
(EPDM), a breakaway organization of the EPRP constituted mainly of Amharas from
Gondar, Wallo, and Northern Showa….
“The TPLF also brought together military captives of Oromo
lineage from the war with the Derg, and together with defectors form the Oromo
Liberation Front [OLF,] created the Oromo People's Democratic Organization
[OPDO] to claim legitimacy in Oromia. Later, the Southern Ethiopia People’s
Democratic Front [SEPDF] was added in order to expand into Southern Ethiopian
territories … This phantom political party was named the Ethiopian People's
Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF.) The EPRDF's charter which borrowed
governing ideas almost exclusively from the TPLF manifesto called for the
elimination of the relics of feudalism and imperialism from Ethiopia….” (https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1051&context=africancenter_icad_archive).
The May 16, 1989 aborted coup against Mengistu Hailemariam which
resulted in the killing of nine military generals and the arrest of many other
military officials emboldened EPRDF to intensify its attack against divided and
dissatisfied government soldiers. On top of that, EPRDF’s political analysis in
which it condemned the preceding Ethiopian regimes and promised for the respect
of the rights of nations and nationalities as well as better future brought
more support for the organization. EPRDF redefined Ethiopia, Ethiopian history,
Ethiopian heroes, and symbols representing Ethiopia. Undeniably, this political
analysis and advocating for group rights attracted more supporters for EPRDF. EPRDF
also exploited regional and ethnic grievances and adopted its operations to
regional realities that appeal to the people residing in that area. For example,
EPRDF named its military offensive against Derg in Amhara region “Zemecha
Tewodros” (Operation Tewodros), a name given after Emperor Tewodros II of
Gonder, and named its military offensive against Derg in the Oromo region “Dula
Bilisumma Walqitumma” (Operation Freedom and Equality), named after the long
standing demand of Oromo. TPLF force that was able to rally Amharas and Oromos
around the political program of EPRDF, that forced the Derg army to be in
disarray and top Derg officials including Colonel Mengistu Hailemariam either to
fled the country or to surrender, and that got the approval of U.S. Government
triumphantly entered Addis Ababa on May 28, 1991 and took government power under
the name of EPRDF.
Consolidation of Power: Thirty
three days after taking government power, EPRDF organized the Peaceful and
Democratic Transitional Conference of Ethiopia held from July 1-5, 1991 in
Addis Ababa that had discussed and approved the Transitional Period Charter of
Ethiopia (https://chilot.files.wordpress.com/2011/11/the-transitional-period-charter-of-ethiopia.pdf
). The Charter laid down the rules governing the Transitional Government as
well as set the principles for the Transitional Period (1991-1995).
During the transition, EPRDF used different political
labeling to isolate and weaken its opponents and solidify its power as a sole
political organization governing Ethiopia. Former civilian and military
officials of the People’s Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (PDRE) were labeled
as Chefchafi ena Awure Derg Esepa (killers and beasts Derg
WPE) and either jailed or banned from taking part in politics. As indicated in
the preamble of the Transitional Period Charter, Derg was labeled as a
continuation of the previous regimes and the fates of the officials or
supporters of the Hailesellassie Regime were not different from that of the
officials of Derg regarding political participation. The sympathizers of
Pre-Derg regimes have been categorized as chauvinists and the sympathizers of
the rights of nations and nationalities that refused to work under the guidance
of EPRDF were categorized as narrow nationalists.
According to the political program of EPRDF, “The chauvinist
ruling classes adhere to the principle of “Itiopiawinnet” (Ethiopianness) which
kills identity based on nationality. So they do not follow the principle of
forming a nation-wide organization through a union of nationality-based
organizations. They aspire to form a dominant multi-nation organization
composed of individuals from various nationalities and ethnic organizations
that have betrayed the causes of their people and bowed to these chauvinists.
Secessionists and narrow nationalist organizations do not want the fulfillment
of the peoples’ common interests. So, they, too, do not want to form a
nation-wide organization together with other nationality-based organizations” (Quoted
by Jean-Nicolas Bach, EPRDF’s Nation-Building: Tinkering with convictions and
pragmatism. file:///C:/Users/asab46/Downloads/cea-1501.pdf
). In general, EPRDF said my way is the only correct way for the future of
Ethiopia and shut the dissenting voices. It used military force to crush
opposition groups like Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and Ogaden National
Liberation Front (ONLF) and used politicized laws and judges to control others.
Several individuals were disappeared and jailed because of their political
opinions. EPRDF that controlled government power through armed struggle
controlled the politics through suppression and coercion.
The disagreement between the two former allies (TPLF and EPLF)
which led to the Ethio-Eritrea War of 1998-2000, changed the political
discourse of EPRDF to some extent. When Ethio- Eritrea war broke out in 1998,
EPRDF wanted to mobilize soldiers and resources under Ethiopian national
interest and appealed to Itophiyawinet (Ethiopianness). Following the end of
Ethio-Eritrea War, some senior members of TPLF accused Meles Zenawi whose
mother is Eritrean for being soft on Eritrea, for not being loyal to TPLF, and
for undermining Tigray and Tigrayan nationalism for which many of their
comrades gave their lives. On the other hand, Meles decided to crush his opponents
before they crushed him and came up with the idea of “Bonapartism” in name of fighting
corruption and anti-democratic behavior in the TPLF leadership. In March 2001,
Meles confirmed his victory and purged his opponents from TPLF leadership and
as a chairman of both TPLF and EPRDF he started focusing on loyalists and
supporters outside Tigray. He also narrowly opened the political space once
again for the opposition and promised to make the 2005 election free and fair. As
a result, Ethiopia once again saw press and electronic media that entertained
the dissenting opinions as it was once seen in the country in the first half of
1990s.
In the 2005 election, the total seats won by the opposition
parties increased from 12 seats in 2000 to 174 seats. According to the final
result of the 2005 Ethiopian General Election reported by the Carter Center,
out of 547 parliamentary seats, EPRDF won 327 seats, EPRDF-affiliated parties
won 45 seats, the opposition parties won 174 seats, and one seat was won by an
individual candidate (https://www.cartercenter.org/resources/pdfs/news/peace_publications/election_reports/ethiopia-2005-finalrpt.pdf
). The increase in the total number of parliamentary seats won by the
opposition parties from 12 in 2000 election to 147 in 2005 election shocked
EPRDF and made it to retreat from the journey to democracy. Then after, EPRDF
monopolized the political activities in Ethiopia as a dominant party (Awura
Parti) and its chairman Meles Zenawi accused of being a dictator.
From 2005 to March 2018, EPRDF did everything it could to increase
its members and supporters including giving them financial rewards, positions
they didn’t deserve, giving them free hands to embezzle public funds, to sell
government lands, and then blackmailing them. As the Chairman of Arena Tigray
Mr. Abreha Dest explained in his Interview with Walta Television, EPRDF
intentionally encouraged its members to steal public funds or be corrupt to blackmail
them to be loyal and stay with the Front (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EH1NgxEA7UU)
. EPRDF officials and members became above the law and untouchable. They looted
public resources to enrich themselves, tortured anyone they thought opposing
EPRDF, and committed several human rights violations.
EPRDF’s story is not only about negatives, but there are also
positive achievements. Compared to the previous Imperial and Derg regimes in
Ethiopia, EPRDF could be said better. For example, in political sphere, it
tried to address the question of nations and nationalities which has been
playing a pivotal role in Ethiopian politics. It tried to balance individual
and group rights. In its program updated in 2017, EPRDF said "Democratic
order is not limited to respecting human and democratic rights of the
individual. On the basis of these rights and parallel to them, rights should
extend to the right to self-determination and equality of nations and
nationalities. The peoples of Ethiopia must become beneficiaries of these
entitlements in full and on equal footing. In this regard, their capability to
exercise these rights must be augmented and enhanced. In order to create a
single, vibrant and coordinated economic community, all regions must have equal
right and support to develop. A concerted struggle must be waged to create
unity among Ethiopia's peoples based on mutual interest and fraternity. To
overcome sentiments that are hostile to the democratic unity of our people
requires a relentless struggle based on democratic principles." (http://www.eprdf.org.et/documents/10184/304166/EPRDF+PROGRAM.4+docx.pdf/e7e283a6-a52c-4336-b7e7-06cb22795d14
).
In terms of economic development, EPRDF designed successive
strategies including Agricultural Led Industrialization (ADL I), Sustainable
Development and Poverty Reduction Program (SDPRP) (2003-2005), Plan for
Accelerated and Sustained Development to End Poverty (PASDEP) (2006-2010),
Growth and Poverty Reduction Program I (GTP I) (2011-2015), and GTP II
(2016-2020) and managed to bring economic growth and decreased the number of
population living below the poverty line which was 44 percent in 2000 to 30
percent in 2011 and to 24% percent in 2016 (https://www.worldbank.org/en/country/ethiopia/overview
and http://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/poverty/publication/ethiopia-poverty-assessment
and file:///C:/Users/asabebe.USUSAID/Downloads/Ethiopia_Paper.pdf)
I hope some blind critics will not say that the number of
population below poverty line was cut by half because EPRDF killed half of
those who lived under the poverty line. Recognizing the achievements brought by
EPRDF is not to write-off the wrongs done by EPRDF. The credits and the
condemnations should be based either on the total balance sheet or by separate
entries, but not based on blind assumption or generalized guesstimate. The
baseline of pre-1991 and other benchmarks show that there is economic growth in
Ethiopia under EPRDF.
In his discussion with Tigray Television, Mr. Asmelash
Woldeselasie, who is one of the senior members of TPLF and member of the House
of Peoples’ Representative of Ethiopia, argued that the last 27 years of EPRDF
rule were not dark period, rather the period of Ethiopian renaissance. He said
unless the current political situation and changes which are undermining the
achievements of EPRDF, the constitution and other laws of the country, and the
federal system are reversed, it will lead to the disintegration of Ethiopia. He
believes the Tigray people and TPLF were betrayed and called upon them to
reverse the current dangerous situation in Ethiopia in coordination with other
forces. Asmelash didn’t explain who these "other forces" he advised TPLF
to coordinate with (https://youtu.be/3jhNNrayjzw and
https://youtu.be/q-rih2xa0j8
).
Within EPRDF, currently, there are groups who demand the
amendment or change of the constitution and those who want to maintain the
constitution. Some are even rushing to get more autonomy for their people by exercising
the right for self-determination enshrined in the current constitution before
it is changed. For example the zonal councils of Sidama, Walayta, Guragie, and
Kaffa Zones of SNNP State demanded statehood status for their respective zones (https://www.ethiopia-insight.com/2018/11/28/as-southern-nations-break-free-pressure-mounts-on-eprdf/
). These demands and the demands of Konso to split from the Segen Area Peoples'
Zone and Qimant to split from North Gonder Zone show that there are groups who
believe the current constitution can give answer for their questions regarding
more autonomy. On the other hand, there are groups who argue that the current
constitution cannot answer the question of certain groups. For example the
leaders of ADP disclosed that previously they believed the question of Welkait
to be either part of the State of Tigray or the State of Amahara could be addressed
through the constitutional procedures, but now they changed that position and want
the identity of Welkait to be determined based on historical conditions and the
wish of the Welkait people (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r5h0Od133Gk
). ADP leaders who claimed Amhara are not lineage counters (Amhara zer
kotari aydelem) (https://youtu.be/heR5LRHITBE?t=5679
) said they do not want Amhara to be like Kurds who are divided into five
countries and became minorities in all five countries (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r5h0Od133Gk
). The decision to disregard the constitutional procedures and the plan to
curve all territories inhabited by the people they think are Amharas including Wlkait,
Metekel, Rayya, and may be Finfinne in to State of Amhara through
unconstitutional means may lead the country to chaos and dangerous.
EPRDF that used to centrally commanding its members is now became
decentralized and loose coalition. Its member organizations are now focusing
on the consolidations of their own powers and accusing each other.
The Falling of EPRDF: The beginning
of the end of EPRDF seen in the second half of 2012 with the death of Meles
Zenawi in August 2012. Following the death of Meles Zenawi, EPRDF faced
leadership crisis. Even though Hailemariam Dessalegn was elected as a Chairman
of EPRDF he failed to provide the required leadership. Since he is neither one
of the guerrilla fighters of EPRDF nor the founder of the organization, he
didn’t get the due respect as a chairman of EPRDF and Prime Minister of
Ethiopia. The senior TPLF members were reluctant to follow his guidance and as
Hailemariam’s former advisor Getachew Redda disclosed in his interview with LTV
(https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wJ6B5ohPrxc
), Hailemariam lacked confidence to exercise his power and to make decisions.
Propping up Hailemariam with three Deputy Prime Ministers and
several advisors, continuous meetings for renewal and deep renewal (tilk
tehadiso) of EPRDF, declaration of state of emergency (marshal law), and
establishing Command Posts failed to improve his leadership and to save EPRDF
from falling. His weakness gave a way for gross violation of human rights and
corruption by EPRDF officials. As explained by the current EPRDF chairman,
Ethiopia became a country where the citizens were tortured in various private
and government prison houses and public funds were looted in millions. The
level of suppression and coercion made Ethiopia to reach a point where EPRDF
cannot rule in the old way. The protest against EPRDF which was started in
Oromia expanded to Amhara and Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples (SNNP)
states and forced Hailemariam Dessalegn to resign from the positions of EPRDF
chairmanship and Prime Minister.
In the first half of 2018, the three members of EPRDF (OPDO,
ANDM, and SEPDM) turned against TPLF. The supports of Amhara and Oromo which
helped TPLF to take power and stay in power as a core leader of EPRDF for 27
years were withdrawn and made TPLF to lose control of power in the Federal
Government. As the ADP leaders explained during their meeting with Amharas
living in Washington, D.C., on December 2, 2018, what brought the current change
in EPRDF and in Ethiopia was the solidarity of Amhara and Oromo people. As Dr.
Ambachew Mekonnen put it, the solidarity of Amhara and Oromo brought change in
Ethiopia that liberated Ethiopians including EPRDF members (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=heR5LRHITBE&t=267s ). He also said that
the change in EPRDF was happened in surprise where those who lost the control didn’t
know that they would lose and where those who won were not sure that they would
win. He emphasized that the victory of the winners was achieved when Dr. Abiy
Ahmed was elected as the Chairman of EPRDF. There
are also indications showing that SEPDM joined OPDO and ANDM to get Dr. Abiy
Ahimed elected as a chairman of EPRDF (http://www.aigaforum.com/amharic-article-2018/the-undoing-of-eprdf-and-hailemariam-betrayal.htm
). In the recent interview with EBS TV, the former EPRDF chairman Hailemariam
Dessalegn himself confirmed that he knew that Dr. Abiy will replace him as a
EPRDF chairman even before the EPRDF central committee elected him (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tY5XOnSYXrE).
After the election of Dr. Abiy Ahmed as a chairman of EPRDF
which automatically made him the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, the country saw
unprecedented changes. The liberation fighters like OLF and ONLF as well as
armed groups like Arbegnoch Ginbot 7 were invited to come to the country and
promote their political agenda in peaceful means, the invitation they accepted;
several political prisoners and those who were charged of treason and terrorism
were given amnesty, top EPRDF officials who seem untouchable were removed from
their positions.
Regardless of the remarkable changes made, it seems that the current
trends in Ethiopia show that Ethiopian politics is going in a usual vicious circle.
Emperor Hailesellassie took power by forcing Empress Tayitu Bitul to banish to
Entoto, by deposing Lij Iyasu , dominating Empress Zewditu Menelik , and
penalizing the supporters of Lij Iyasu. Derg took power by killing Emperor
Hailesellassie and his top officials and arresting the rest. EPRDF that removed
Derg from power charged top Derg officials for gross violation of human rights
and killings and arrested them. The cycle is going on. Now, the Reformed EPRDF
leaders are charging some of the top EPRDF officials for gross violation of
human rights (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uGUcAV5fgng
) and looting of public funds (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9txunzSE71Q
) and putting them in jail. No one knows when this circle breaks and stops.
Today, EPRDF exists simply by name not in practice. We have
individuals who rule the country in the name of EPRDF, but there is no EPRDF
that we know for the past 27 years. As its leaders themselves said, EPRDF was
broken like an egg. It doesn’t matter whether it was broken from inside or
outside, but EPRDF was broken. The broken EPRDF failed to coordinate the
actions of its member organization, failed to hold responsible its officials
who are undermining the constitution in violation of Article 9 (2) of the
constitution of the FDRE which say “All citizens, organs of state, political
organizations, other associations as well as their officials have the duty to
ensure observance of the Constitution and to obey it”. The broken and failed
EPRDF is not in the position to stop Ethiopia from sliding back to the pre 1991
situation. For example, the Council of Ministers of the broken EPRDF-led
government approved the draft “Administrative Boundaries and Identity Issues
Commission Establishment Proclamation” (
https://chilot.me/2018/12/administrative-boundaries-and-identity-issues-commission-establishment-draft-proclamation/ ) which violates the constitution and intends to reduce the status of member States of the FDRE to the pre- 1991 administrative regions (https://youtu.be/99tkG4AZ25E ). The broken EPRDF is unable to stop the erosion of the constitution and the federal system.
https://chilot.me/2018/12/administrative-boundaries-and-identity-issues-commission-establishment-draft-proclamation/ ) which violates the constitution and intends to reduce the status of member States of the FDRE to the pre- 1991 administrative regions (https://youtu.be/99tkG4AZ25E ). The broken EPRDF is unable to stop the erosion of the constitution and the federal system.
