Warning to Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed-Your political adultery is destroying Ethiopia!

By Ermias Hailu

Your Excellency PM Abiy Ahmed,

The continuing rivalry and fight between TPLF and your party PP which may be culminated with a bloody civil war has provoked me to send you a warning and to share to you the following story.

The 16th century Ethiopia (Abyssinia) faced the most formidable threat of its survival from a protracted war that was ignited by Grange Ahmad. Grange Ahmad who came from the present-day eastern part of Ethiopia (Harar) invaded the southern, central and northern Ethiopia to advance his mission of conquering, Islamizing and ruling Ethiopia by force. He almost succeeded to control and rule Ethiopia, except he was not able to completely capture or kill the then King. However, he was able to loot and burn so many churches, convert large part of the population to Islam and divide and rule Ethiopia for about 14 years. In the most heroic demonstration of their faith, priests and monks were throwing themselves into the fire of burning churches and monasteries, which were torched by Grange Ahmad troops, to avoid forced conversion to Islam.

One Ethiopian regional ruler that played a major role in defeating Grange Ahmad was Bahre Negash Yeshak that was ruling the partial part of the present-day Eritrea and part of Tigray. He was the one who led the 400 ‘modern rifles armed’ Portuguese soldiers all the way to Debre Damo (Tigray) from Massawa to join them with Ethiopian army. To cut the long history short, after a number of battles between the Ethiopian /Portuguese joint army and Grange Ahmad’s army, it was one of the Portuguese soldiers who fatally wounded Grange Ahmad and reversed the course of the war. Bahre Negash Yeshak and his army were also participated in that crucial war.

After the end of the war between the dynasty of Ethiopia and the leaders of Harar Emirates, the central government of Ethiopia became very weak and faced power struggle among various rivals including the expansion of Oromos. During this time, Bahre Negash Yeshak decided to revolt against the government of Ethiopia and started to conspire against the Emperor of that time (Emperor Minas) with the objective of replacing him with a puppet king. As part of the plan, Bahre Negash Yeshak established joint front with rivals of Emperor Minas from Showa and tried to kill the King through sabotage or direct war but without success. Bahre Negash knowing his plot to establish a puppet king was not successful, decided to be King of Ethiopia for himself by building superior military force. To that effect, he made an agreement with the Turkish authorities, who were occupying Massawa, and with Jesuit missionaries. As part of the deal, he gave the Turkish the land between Massawa and Debarwa and he also promised to the Jesuit’s that he will be converted to Catholic once he got their military support. Consequently, he claimed Fasil (a rival from Showa to King Minas) is the legitimate heir of the throne and promised to put him on the throne. However, both Bahre Negash Yeshak and the Turkish army were defeated by Emperor Minas on April 20, 1562 and Bahre Negash was forced to escape and live in Debarwa which was already under the territory of the Turkish. For unknown reasons, Emperor Minas failed to capture or kill Bahre Negash Yeshak and returned to Showa and died in 1563, due to malaria infection. After the death of Emperor Minas, the struggle among prospective rivals to replace him was further intensified but ultimately his 13 years old son Serse Dengel replaced him. The new King was visionary, very wise political and military strategist and was able to defend Ethiopia both internally and externally except the threat from Bahre Negash who at that time had established joint front with Turkish, Emirates of Harar as well as internal rivals of the King. Bahre Negash relentlessly worked for 15 years to corner and subdue King Serse Dengel but without success. In the year 1577 Serse Dengel defeated the South front of Bahre Negash by defeating Mohammed IV of Emirates of Harar.

After repeated unsuccessful diplomatic efforts to bring Bahre Negash Yeshak to peace, Emperor Serse Dengel with the support of some novelties of Tigray, defeated both Bahre Negash and Turkish army in November 1578 in a place called Adi Koro. In that war both then arch enemies of central government of Ethiopia, Bahre Negash Yeshak and his ally the Turkish Pasha were killed and Emperor Serse Dengel marched all the way to Debarwa (which was the capital city of Bahre Negash and the Turkish) without any resistance.

The reason I tried to outline the above brief history of 16th century is because I found it to be a mirror image of the Ethiopia of the 21st century. Just replace Bahre Negash Yehsak with President Isaias and Debarwa with Asmara and the region that was administered by Bahre Negash with Eritrea. Replace Turkish with Egypt and Emirates of Harar with Al-Shabaab of Somalia. With minor changes in geographical location and geopolitical structure, the historical destabilizing actors of Ethiopia have been one and the same despite who is governing it.

It is a well-known fact that the objective of President Isaias when he started the 1998-2000 war with Ethiopia was not for a piece of land in Badme or other villages along the Ethio-Eritrea border but to subdue TPLF/EPRDF and make it to be a puppet government so that Eritrea would be the dominant political, military and economic power in the Horn of Africa. Incase EPRDF was not willing to be subdued president Isaias’s plan was to destroy EPRDF and restructure the Horn of Africa (at least Eritrea and Ethiopia) and rule it directly or indirectly. When PM Meles (junior to President Isaias) got the attention of the world superpowers (due to Ethiopia’s historical and geopolitical position in the world), President Isaias was burning with jealousy and regretted his decision to go only with Eritrea and leaving the remaining Ethiopia for TPLF/EPRDF. When he started the surprise invasion of Ethiopia by capturing Badme, he was very ready to defeat EPRDF but failed to speedily advance to Tigray and other parts of Ethiopia (God gave EPRDF two weeks breathing time that enabled it to mobilize its militia and regular forces). The gallant Ethiopian militia (with no current training) and the regular army were able to stop President Isaias’s invading army at a very costly price (price paid for EPRDF’s failure to anticipate threats from Eritrea timely and made proactive preparation). Ultimately after two years of bloody war, that you were also a participant, Ethiopia defeated the army of President Isaias at heavy cost but failed to break its back bone and eliminate the threat once and for all (this was by the decision of PM Meles may be under the pressure of the super powers). What a missed opportunity? As outlined above same mistake was committed by Emperor Minas 458 years ago. Spiritually speaking both Bahre Negash Yeshak and President Isaias are driven or instigated by the same spirit which is still active until today.

Over the last 20 years (after the end of the war) president Isaias has been implementing the destabilization strategy of Egypt and was hyper busy supporting, coordinating, funding and leading any anti TPLF/ EPRDF elements like ESAT, GINBOT7, TPDM, OLF, Al-Shabaab etc. Until two years ago, Eritrea was the central command post of Dr. Berhanu and his allies who have instigated ethnic based conflict in Ethiopia, primarily the persecution, robbery and killing of innocent Tigrayans that history will remember forever.

Your excellency PM Abiy Ahmed, over the last two years President Isaias has established a tactical personal relationship with you ( he had similar unprincipled relationship with PM Meles about 30 years ago, until he back stabbed him in May 1998) and he has continued interfering into the internal affairs of Ethiopia with the objective of restructuring the political order of Ethiopia to serve his evil purpose. Without any doubt, the main root cause for the ever-widening divergence of outlook, mistrust and the tense relationship between you and the TPLF leadership is related to your unprincipled relationship with President Isaias!

Leveraging on the relationship with you the following are what President Isaias plans to accomplish:
- Continue to add fuel to the already tense relationship between you, TPLF and other parties and destabilize Ethiopia to be an easy prey for Egypt
- Destroy TPLF by using the army of Ethiopia against TPLF (your current warning to TPLF in relation to the election issue is in line to President Isaias wish). Whatever President Isaias may pretend his army is very weak (no youth in Eritrea) and his plan is to use you to destroy TPLF. Knowing that you are a man of God ( with all of your weaknesses such as trying to please every body at the cost of your mentor TPLF and the Tigray people, the fact that you were a double agent while you worked as intelligence officer, all your ongoing ungodly efforts to divide TPLF and the Tigray people, playing President Isaias with TPLF, the killing in West Oromia, etc.), I expect you to listen to what the Spirit of God is saying and avert civil war, instead of being manipulated by the unrepentant dictator President Isaias who has so much blood of Eritreans and Ethiopians( including General Seare Mekonnen) on his hands.
- Once TPLF is eliminated President Isaias is going to try to make you his puppet and he will come against you if you do not comply to his instructions (exactly what he tried to do with PM Meles).
However, I would like you to know that President Isaias time, on the Spiritual Realm, is over and you will witness his demise very soon. The time has come for a new Eritrea government that is friendly with the people of Tigray and Ethiopia to be born and you are going to face TPLF in the absence of President Isaias in a very near future. I strongly advise you to immediately stop playing President Isaias against TPLF and depend on the God you trust on how to reconcile and make peace with TPLF and the Tigray people. Please do not waste your time to create division between TPLF and the Tigray people as both are bonded by the unbreakable blood covenant that each Tigrayan family paid during the armed struggle. May I also remind you that it is on that same blood that your throne is standing!
The killing of the prominent singer Hachaalu is also further to damage your relationship with the Oromo people and get ready to humble yourself before your God so that you may get His mercy! You know very well that God does not give blank check and He wants you to listen to His Spirit and obey rather than trying to build your idolatry image day and night. If you are from GOD and for God from now on wards your word should be Yes or No ( Matthew 5:37). You have acted as chameleon over the last two years stop that and act as a man of God!

Your Excellency, it is not too late for you to be on the right side of history!

God bless Ethiopia !

ስለ የኢሳያስ አፋወርቂዋ ኤርትራ ምን እናውቃለን? ክፍል 2

ከወጋሕታ ብርሃን

ግንቦት 2012

ስለ የኢሳያስ አፋወርቂዋ ኤርትራ በሚመለከት በመጋቢት ወር የመጀመርያ ፅሑፌ በዓይጋ ድህረገፅ (http://aigaforum.com/amharic-article-2020/what-do-you-know-about-isaias-afeworki.htm) አቅርቤ ነበር። ክፍል 2 ይቀጥላል ብዬ የተሰናበትኩኝ ቢሆንም እስካአሁን በተለያዩ ምክንያቶች በመዘግየቴ በመጀመሪያ ይቅርታ እጠይቃለሁ።


ኢሳያስ አፈወርቅ በህይወት መቆየት ብቻ ሳይሆን በስልጣን መቆየትም በጣም የተካነበት ችሎታው ነው። በበረሃው ትግል ወቅት በተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ (ጀብሃ) በድብቅ ህዝባዊ ሓይልታት የሚባል ቡዱን ፈጥሮ በለኮሰው እሳት በጣም ደማዊ የሚባል የእርስ በርስ ጦርነት በጀብሃና በህዝባዊ ሓይልታት መካከል ተደርጎ ብዙዎች ህይወታቸው ሲያልፍ እሱ ተርፏል። ከጀብሃ ተገንጥሎ በወጣው ህዝባዊ ሓይልታት በኃላም ህዝባዊ ግንባር ሓርነት ኤርትራ (ሻዕብያ) በተባለው ውስጥ ተፈጥሮ የነበረው ልዩነት ኢሳያስ አፈወርቂ ምንም ሳያመነታ ብዙ ብሩህ አእምሮ የነበራቸው ታጋዮችን አስሮና አሰቃይቶ ረሽናቸዋል፡፡ ኢሳያስ እነዚህ ሙሁራን የመንካዕ /የሌሊት ወፍ/ እንቅስቃሴ የሚል ስም በመለጠፍ ድርጅታችን ሊያፈርሱ ሲሉ አከሸፍነው በማለት ዕድሜውን አረዘመ። ቀንና ሌሊት ሲመኘውና የንፁኃሃን ታጋይች ሂወት በከንቱ የፈሰሰበት ስልጣን ያዘ፡፡ ነገርግን ከድርጊቱ አልታቀበም፡፡ የስልጣን ማማው ከተቆናጠጠ በኃላም ማንኛውንም ተቃውሞ ያለምህረትና ያለፍርድ ሂደት ራሱ አሳሪ፣ ፈራጅና ፍርድ አስፈፃሚ በመሆን የብዙ ታጋዮች ሕይወት በየጋራውና ሸንተረሩ አንጠባጥቦ ዕድሜውንና ስልጣኑ አስረዝሟል።

ኢሳያስ ዕድሜውን ለማስረዘም የብዙዎችን ዕድሜ አሳጥሯል። የኤርትራ ህዝብ አሁን የዓለማችን አደጋ ሆኖ ባለው ኮቪድ-19 የልኬት ሁኔታ ኢሳያስ አፈወርቂን ኮቪድ-91 የሚል አዲስ ስያሜ አጎናፅፎታል፡፡ ይህ ሳጓ የኢሳያስ ጨፍጫፊነት፣ በብዙ ሺ የሚቆጠሩ ወጣቶች እስርቤት ማጎሩ፣ የኤርትራ ኢኮኖሚ እንዲላሽቅ በማድረጉ፣ ኤርትራ ከብዙ አገሮች ተነጥላ የራሱ የኳራንታይን ማእከል በማድረጉ፣ ኤርትራ በርዋን እንድትዘጋና ዜጎችዋ በገዛ አገራቸው ከቦታ ወደ ቦታ ለመንቀሳቀስ ከፀጥታ አካላት የይለፍ ወረቀት ሳይዙ መንቀሳቀስ የማይቹሉበትና የድሮዋ የመንግስቱ ሃይለማርያምዋ ኢትዮጵያን የሚያስታውስ አገር በመፍጠሩ ነው ከኢሱ ወደ ኮቪድ-91 የተሸጋገረው። ኮቪድ-91 በአረቄ የተጠበሰው ፊቱን በሜክ አፕ እያደሰና እየሸፈነ፣ የታመመው ጉበቱን አንዴ ዶሃ፣ አንዴ አቡዳቢ፣ አንዴ ደሞ ጂዳ ሄዶ እየታከመ ይሄው ዕድሜውን አስረዝሟል። የሱ ዕድሜው ረዝሞ የብዙ ኤርትራዊያን ወጣቶች፣ አብሮ አደጎቹ፣ አብረው የታገሉቱና ለኤርትራ ነፃነት በተደረገው ትግል የትጥቅ ትግሉን የመሩ አስሮ በመግደል ዕድሜያቸውን አሳጥሯል።

ኮቪድ-91 ኤርትራ በሪፍረንደም በ1991 እ.አ.አ ነፃነትዋን እንዳወጀች ያለማንም ፍቃድ ወይም ምርጫ ስልጣን እንደያዘ አሁንም የስልጣን ጥሙ እንዳለ ነው፡፡ ስልጣን ወይም ሞት! እንግዲህ ይህ ነገር ሳይሆን አይቀርም ኮ/ል አብይን በቅናት ቅጥል እያደረጋቸው ያለው ጉዳይ። ኮኔሬሉ ኤርትራ፣ ኢሜሬትና ሳውዲ ዓረብያ በሄዱ ቁጥር ምርጫ ሳያደርጉ ስልጣን የያዙትን ፕሬዚዳንትና አሚሮች ሲያዩ የኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ፣ ህገመንግስት፣ ብሄር ብሄረሰቦች፣ ቅብጥርስ … እንዲጠሉና ጥምድ አድርገው እንዲይዙ ያደረጋቸው። ከምን የዋለ ምን ይማራል እንደሚባለው መሆኑ ነው። ኮቪድ-፣1ዱ ኢሳያስ ከአሜሪካው አምባሳደር በኢትየጵያ አምባሳደር ማይክል ቀጥለው የኮ/ል አብይ ኮች ናቸው። ስለ ምርጫ፣ ስለ ዲሞክራሲ፣ ስለብሄር ጥያቄና ስለ ህብረ-ብሄራዊ ፓርቲ ስርዓት የኤርትራን ጥሩ ተሞክሮ ቀምረው ኮች/እየኮተኮቱ እያስተማሯቸው ነው። ስለ ማሰር እና መግደል እንኳን ኮ/ል አብይ ስልጣን ከመውጣታቸው በፊትም የተካኑት ጥብብ በመሆኑ የኢሳያስ ኮችነት ብዙም አያስፈልጋቸውም።

በአሁኑ ወቅት ኮቪድ-19 በሚድያ ስሙ እንደገነነው ኢሳያስ እንደአሁኑ አያድርገውና ሚድያ በጣም ይወዳ ነበር። ጋዜጠኛ እስከሚመስሉ ድረስ በERTV ስክሪን ላይ ከጥዋት እስከ ማታ ይታዩ ነበር። ነገርግን እሳቸው በማይቆጣጠሩት ሚድያ መቅረብ በጭራሽ አይወዱም። በስህተት/በአጋጣሚ ከውጭ ሚድያ ጋር ቃለመጠይቅ ካደረጉ ደግሞ ተቆጥተው፣ አላቅም እና እንጃላቹህ ብለው አክሩፎውና አስኮርፈው ቃለመጠየቁ ያልቃል። በአገር ቤትም ሚድያ የሚቀርቡት ብዙውን ጊዜ ከአንድ ጋዜጠኛ ቢበዛ ደግሞ ከሁለት ጋዜጠኞች ነው። ጋዜጠኞቹ የራሳቸው ጥያቄ ማቅረብ አይችሉም። በጭራሽ አይፈቀድላቸውም። እነሱም አይደፍሩም። ኢሳያስ በአረብኛ እና በእንግሊዝኛ ጥሩ ችሎታ ቢኖራቸውም የውጭ ሚድያዎች የቀረቡት ግዚያት በጣት የሚቆጠሩ ግዝያት ናቸው። እንደ ኮ/ል አብይ የእንግሊዝኛ ችግር ባይኖራቸውም ለውጭ ሚድያ የማይቀርቡት ጥያቄዎቻቸውን በመፍራት ነው። ጥያቄውንም የሚፈሩት የኤርትራን ህዝብ ጥያቄ በውጭ ጋዜጠኛ ተጠይቀው ተገደው ሲመልሱ ሰምቶ ህዝቡ እንዳይታዘባቸው ነው። ኢሳያስ አፈወርቅ ሚድያ በመጠቀም ህዝቡ ምን ማሰብ እንዳለበት ወስነው ይንቀሳቀሳሉ። ከሳቸው ቁጥጥር ውጭ የሆነ ሚድያ እንዳይከታተል ይጥራሉ። ዲሽ የሚባል ቴክኖሎጂ እና ኢንተርኔት የሚባል ቴክኖሎጂ ጠላቶቻቸው ናቸው። እነዚህ ቴክኖሎጂዎች በኤርትራ ውስጥ አንዳይስፋፉ በተለያየ መንገድ ይዋጉታል። የራሳቸው የሆነ ዲጂታል ሰራዊት በመፍጠር በዓለም የሳቸውን ስም አንስቶ የሚተችና የሚቃወም ወያነና አጋሜ ብለው ታርጋ ያስለጥፋሉ በብዙ አቅጣጫ ተቃውሞ እንደሚመጣው አስመስለው ይገጥሙታል።

ኢሱ በስልጣን ዕድሜያቸው ቀልድ የለም። የግል/ ነፃ ጋዜጣ የሚባል የለም። ስለዚህ ያልተቆጣጠሩት ነገር በህዝቡ አንጎል እየተሸራሸረ ከሆነ 03 (ባዶ ሦስት) የሚባል የፈጠራ ወሬ የሚበትን አካል አላቸው በዛ የፈለጉትን አስተስሰብ ያሰራጫሉ። በባዶ ሦስት ተስፋ ይፈጥራሉ፣ ተስፋ ያስቆርጣሉ፣ የፈለጉትን አስተሳሰብ በህዝቡ በመበተን ውዥንብር ፈጥረው ሲያበቁ እሳቸው ከርመው ከራርመው በሚድያ ህዝቡ በጉጉት ከሳቸው መልስ እንዲጠብቅ አድርገው የፈለጉትን ሃሳብ ትክክል ነው ብለው ያልፈለጉትን የጠላት፣ የወያኔ ወይ የሲ.አይ.ኤ ወሬ ብለው ይሰብካሉ። በዚህም ዕድሚያቸውን ያስረዝማሉ

ኢሳያስ የሚያደርጉት ሁሉ የስልጣን ዕድሜያቸውን ለማረዘም ነው። የስለላ መዋቅራቸው ሌላ ስራ የለውም። በአገር ውስጥ ለመደራጀት የተከለከሉ ተቃዋሚዎችን በያሉበት አድፍጠው ይከታተላሉ። አውሮፓና አሜሪካ ያሉትን አንዳንዱን በመርዝ ይገድላሉ። በኢትዮጵያና በሱዳን ያሉትን ቅጥረኞችን በማሰማራት አግተው ይወስዳሉ። ማገት ሳይችሉ ሲቀሩ ደግሞ በማንአለብኝነት በሰው ሃገር ይገድላሉ። አዲስ አበባ፣ ደሴ እና ሁመራ የገደሏቸውን ማስታወስ ብቻ ይበቃል።

ሁሉም ኤርትራዊ ከኢሳያስ የሚያመልጥ የለም ብሎ እንዲያስብ የሚያደርግ አላማ ይዘው ይፈፅሙታል። ይህን ጀብዳቸው በዜና አይነገርም ግን በዜሮ ሦስት የወሬ ማሽናቸው ሁሉም እንዲያቀው ይደረጋል። ኢህአዴግ ስል በምርጫ ፍርድቤት መስርቶ የደርግ ባለስልጣኖች በህግ እንዲጠየቁ ሲያደርግ ኮ/ል መንግስቱንም በሌለበት ሲከስ ኢሳያስ ግን ኮ/ል መንግስቱን ለመግደል ዙምባቤ ድረስ ገዳዮችን አሰማርቶ ነበር፡፡ አልቀናውም ከሽፎበታል። ቢሳካ ግን ምን ለማግኘት አስቦ ነው ለጥናት በዕቅዱ መሰረት ለመፈፀም በመቶ ሺ ዶላር ወጪ ያደረገው? ብንል ኢሳያስ አይተኛም ከማድረግ ወደ ኃላ አይልም የሚል የስነልቦና ጫና በኤርትራ ህዝብ በመፍጠር ለለውጥ እንዳይንቀሳቀስ ለማድረግ ነበር።

በአሁኑ ወቅት የኢሳያስ የስለላ መዋቅር “ኦፕረሽን ትንሳኤ ኤርትራ“ በሚል ኮ/ል አብይ በሰጣቸው ዕድል በኢትዮጵያ ሦስት ተልእኮ ይዞ ተሰማርቷል።


1) ትግራይን ማዕከል ያደረገ እና የትግራይ አስተዳዳሪ የሆኑት ዶ/ር ደብረፅዮን ገብረሚካኤል ላይ ያነጣጠረ ዝርዝር ጥናት በማድረግ ላይ ያነጣጠረ ስለላ እያደረገ ነው።


2) ከኤርትራ ጠፍተውና ኮብልለው የመጡትንና በተለይ ደግሞ በትግራይና በአዲስ አበባ የሚገኙ ስደተኞች እንቅስቃሴ የሚከታተሉ ሰርጎቦችን አስገብቶ እየተንቀሳቀሰ ነው።


3) ከአሜሪካ ኤምባሲ ቀጥሎ ብዙ ስታፍ ያለው ኤምባሲ በመሃል አዲስ አበባ አደራጅታል፡፡ አዲስ አበባ ውስጥ በተለያዩ አካባቢዎች ’ድብቅ’ ቤቶች በመከራየትና ምንጩ በማይታወቅ ገንዘብም መጠነ ሰፊ የቤት ግዥ በመፈጸም በአገራችን ህልውናና ሉዓላዊነት እንዳሻው እየፈነጨበት ነው። ከሁሉም በላይ አሳሳቢ የሚሆነው እነዚህ የኢሳያስ ሰላዮች የጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ቢሮና የኢትዮጵያ ደህንነት ቢሮ በር ክፍት ተደርጎላቸው በጋራ ተቆራኝተው ከሚሰሩት በተጨማሪ ለብቻቸውም የሚሰሩት ምስጥራዊ ስራ ነው።

የኤርትራ ሰራዊት ከደርግ ጋር ለነፃነት በተደረገው ጦርነት ከፍተኛ ተሞክሮ የነበረው ሰራዊት ነበር። ይህ ሰራዊት በኢሳያስ አያያዝ ምክንያት ከአገር ሰራዊትነት ወደ ኢሳያስ ሰራዊትነት ተቀይሯል። ኢሳያስ በእብሪተኝነት ከኢትይጵያ ጋር ጦርነት በመክፈቱ ሰራዊቱ ኩፍኛ እንዲመታና እንዲዳከም ምክንያት ሆኗል። ብዙ ተሞክሮ ያላቸው የሰራዊቱ አመራርና አባላት ህይወታቸው እንዲያልፍና አካላቸው እንዲጎድል ሁኗል። ኤርትራ በእያንዳንዱ ቤት የሚያንካካ ሃዘን በኢሳያስ ጠብ አጫሪነት በተከፈተው ጦርነት ተከስቷል። አሁን ያ አርበኛ ኤርትራዊ ሰራዊት የኢሳያስ ዕድሜ ማራዘሚያ በመሆን ደረጃው ዝቅ ብሎ በየቀኑ በመቶዎች ወደ ሱዳንና ኢትዮጵያ መኮብለሉ ተያይዞታል፡፡

ኢሳያስ አፈወርቅ ያዳከመው ሰራዊት ስንት እግረኛ ክፍለ ጦሮች አሉት? ስንት ሜካናይዝድ ክፍለ ጦሮች አሉት? ስንት ሚሊሻ ክፍለ ጦሮች አሉት? የነዚህ ኃይሎች የሰው ኃይል ብቃትና ሞራል ምን ይመስላል? የትጥቅ ሁኔታውና ብቃት ምን ይመስላል? በዚህ አቅም ምን የማድረግ ችሎታ አለው? የሚሉትን በማየት ኮቪድ-91 የኤርትራ ሰራዊት ከየት-ወዴት እንዳደረሰው በአጭሩ እንቃኛለን።

ኤርትራ 23 መደበኛ እግረኛ ክ/ጦሮች ሲኖራት 2 ኮማንዶ ክ/ጦሮች አሏት። 4 ታንክ መድፍና አየር መቃወሚያ የታጠቁ ሜካናይዝድ ክ/ጦሮች አሏት። 9 የሚሊሻ ክ/ጦሮች በየአካባቢያቸው የሚንቀሳቀሱና ሲያስፈልግ በየአካባቢው በሚገኙ የግምባር ምሽግች የሚሰለፉ ናቸው። ሚሊሻ ክ/ጦሮቹ ልምድ ባላቸው የመደበኛው ሰራዊት አዛዦች ይመራሉ። የሚሊሻ ኃይሉ ብዙ የሚኮበልል ስላልሆነ የሰው ብዛቱ ከተቀመጠለት ስታንዳርድ ሲንፃፀር ደህና በሚባል ደረጃ ይገኛል። የዚህ ኃይል ዋናው ችግር ሦስት አረተኛው ዕድሜው ለውትድርና ብቁ አለመሆኑ ነው። ከዚህም በተጨማሪ ምንም የመዋጋት ፍላጎት የሌለውና ያለፍላጎቱ የተደራጀ ነው። በአካባቢው ከቤተሰቡ ሳይርቅ የተደራጀ መሆኑ ብቻ እንደ ተሻለ አማራጭ አይቶ ጊዜ ያልፋል ብሎ አድብቶ የሚጠብቅ ነው።

መደበኛና እግረኛ ክ/ጦሮቹ ተራ ተዋጊ የሌላቸው ቆፎዎች ናቸው። ተዋጊ የሰው ኃይል ብቻ ሳይሆን ታችኛው መዋቅር ጋድ/መስርዕ/ እና የመቶ /ጋንታ/ የሌላቸው በሻምበል /ሐይሊ/ ደረጃ አራት አምስት ሰው ያላቸው ናቸው። በየዙሩ ሳዋ የሰለጠኑ (በደርግ ጊዜ ብሄራዊ ውትድርና እንደሚባለው በአስገዳጅ የተሰለፉ ናቸው/ በመሆናቸው በነዚህ ክ/ጦሮች ቢመደቡም ብዙ ሳይቆዩ ወደ ጎረቤት አገር የሚኮበልሉና ወደየቤታቸው ጠፍተውም ተደንቆው የሚቆዩ እና የኢሳያስ መንግስት በየጊዜው ፍተሻ በማድረግ የሚያሳድዳቸውና በየክ/ጦሮቹ እስርቤት ታስረው ለአስገዳጅ ስራ የሚሰማሩ ናቸው። ሁለቱ ኮማንዶ ክ/ጦሮች የተሻለ የሰው ኃይል ያላቸው ቢሆንም በጋድ ሁለት ተራ ተዋጊዎች ያላቸውና በየመቶውም ስድስት ተራ ተዋጊ ያላቸው ናቸው። የተሻለ ስልጠናና ደሞዝ አላቸው። ከነዚህም የሚኮበልል በተመሳሳይ ብዙ ነው። እነዚህ በጋድና በመቶ ተራ ተዋጊ የሚኖራቸው የሳዋ ዙር ምደባ ላይ በብዛት ቅድሚያ ሰለሚሰጣቸው ነው። ከስታዳርድ አንፃር የመቶ ሳላሳ ሰው ይኖረዋል ከሚለው አንፃር ሲታይ የተሟላ አይደሉም።

ሜካናይዝድ ክ/ጦሮች በብዱን የምትታጠቀው መሳርያ በመሆኑ የታጠቁት ለምሳሌ አንድ ታንክ ከአምስት እስከ ሰባት ሰው የሚስፈልገው ሲሆን ብዙ ታንኮች ይህን ያህል የሰው ምድብተኛ ስሌላቸው የተሟላ ክሪው የለንም በሚል ታሽገው የተቀመጡ ታንኮች፣ መድፎችና የአየር መቃወሚያዎች ብዙ ናቸው።

በአጠቃላይ ሰራዊቱ ስልጠና ጥሩ የሚሰለጥኑ ቢሆንም ሰልጥነው ስለሚኮበሉሉ አሁን አሁን ልምድ ያለው የሰራዊት አባላት በተራ ተዋጊ ብቻ ሳይሆን በታችኛው አመራርም የለም። ከሁሉም በላይ ዋናው ችግር የሰራዊቱ አገባላት በኢሳያስ ስርዓት ምንም እምነት የላቸውም። ሰላም የናፈቀው ሰራዊት ነው። ያለፍላጎቱ መጨረሻ ለሌለው ጊዜ በምሽግና ፍትሓዊ ባልሆነ ጦርነት መሰለፍ ሰልችቶታል። ሰራዊቱ በተለይም በኢትዮጵያና በኤርትራ ሰላም መጣ ብሎ ተስፋ አድርጎ የነበረው ያህል ኢሳያስ ምክንያቱ በማይታወቅ ውሳኔ ድንበሩ በመዝጋቱ በዛው ልክ ተስፋው ጨልሞበታል። ኢሳያስ እያለ በኤርትራ ሰላም የለም ብሎ እንዲደመድም አድርጎታል።

ኢሳያስ በዚህ በቃኘነው ኃይልና በደርግ ጊዜ በነበረ ትጥቅ በታጠቀ ኃይል ምን ሊያደርግ ይችላል? ሊያስፈራራ ይችላል። ውስጣዊ አቅሙን ለማያውቅም ሊያስደነግጥ ይችላል። ይህም ሆኖ ግን ምንም አያደርግም ማለት አይደለም። አደራጃጀቱን በመጠኑ አስተካክሎና ኃይል አግኝቶ የተወሰኑ ክ/ጦሮቹን በድንገት አዘጋጅቶና ድንገተኝነትን ተጠቅሞ በኢትዮጵያም ሆነ በሌሎች አገሮች ጥቃትና ችግር ሊፈጥር ይችላል። ይህ ሲባል ግን ለረዥም ጊዜ ጦርነት የማድረግ አቅም አለው ማለት አይደለም። ሰለዚህ ኢሳያስ አደጋ /risk/ ያለው እርምጃ መሆኑ አውቆ ከሌሎች መሪዎች ትብብር ይፈልጋል። አገር ለመሸጥ ወደኃላ ከማይሉት እንደነ ኮ/ል አብይ አህመድ እና ደመቀ መኮነን የመሳሳሉት ወያኔን ለማዳከም ይረዳናል ብለው አስበው ሊተባበሩት ይችላሉ። ለነሱም አደጋ ቢኖረውም የነገ አደጋ ማየት ተስናቸው እንደበሬው ሳሩን ብቻ ሊያዩ ይች

ኢሳያስ ይህን ሁሉ እላይ የቃኘነው ኃይል የገነባው ተጨባጭ ስጋት ስላለው አይደለም። ኢሳያስ የስልጣን እድሜውን ለማስረዘም ወጣቱ የሚያስርበት ዘዴ ነው። የአስመራ ዩኒቨርስቲን ዘግቶ ከአስራ አንደኛ ክፍል በኃላ ትምህርት በጦር ሰራዊት ስር እንዲሆን አድርጎ የተማረ የማይከበርባትና ብሎም የሌለባት ኤርትራ ፈጥሯል። ኢሳያስ ከሱ የተለየ አቋም ያለው ብቻ አይደለም የሚጠላው ኢሳያስ የማያቀው ዕውቀት ያለውን ሁሉም ሙሁር አይወድም። ይህ ደግሞ በትግል ሜዳ እያለም በሙሁራን ላይ የነበረው የፀና አቋሙ ነው። ለአብነት ያህል ኤርትራ ነፃነትዋን እንደተቀዳጀች አንዱ የጦር መሪ አዲስ አበባ ደርሶ ሲመለስ ኢሳያስን እንዲህ ብሎ ይጠይቀዋል። ወያኔ ታጋዮችዋን ነባሮቹን የጦር አዛዦች ት/ቤት ከፍታ እያስተማረች ነው። እኛንም እንድንማር ለምን አታደርግም? ብሎ ሲጠይቀው ኢሳያስም እናንተን ማን ነው የሚያስተምራቹሁ? እናንተ የማታቁት ምን አለና? ብሎ በጥያቄ ሲመልስለት ዝም አለ አሉ ጠያቂው። ተጠያቂውም ባይሆን እንግሊዝኛ ውጭ ሄዳቹሁ ትማራላቹሁ ብሎ ጥያቄውን መለሰለት። በኢሳያስ አመለካከት ማንም ውርጋጥ ማስተርስ አለኝ ብሎ የሱን ጀነራሎች ማስተማር ማለት ውርደት ነው። እሱም ከማንም ምክርም ትምህርትም ያስፈልገኛል ብሎ አያምንም። በቃለመጠይቅ ወቅት ስለሁሉም ነገርና ስለ ዓለምአቀፍ ጉዳዮች የሚዘባርቀው ከዚህ በሽተኛ አስተሳሰቡ በመነሳት ነው።

ከትግሉ ወቅት ጀሚሮ የነበረና የተለመደ ቢሆንም ከቅርብ ግዝያት ጀምሮ እንደአዲስ ኢሳያስ ራሱን በመደበቅ ታሟል። ሞቷል። ታስራል። ሲባል ደስ ይለዋል። እሱ ባለመኖሩ ህዝቡ እንደማይጨነቅ ቢያቅም ምንም ማድረግ የሚችል ሰው የለም ብሎ ለማስፈራራት ይጠቀምበታል። ብሞትም ገና እገዛችሀለሁ ዓይነት ሙድ ነው። ሰሞኑ ይህ ከድሮ ጀምሮ የተጠናወቶው ተግባር ተፈፅሟል። ታሟል፣ ታስራል፣ ሞቷል፣ ተባለለት፡፡ ነግር ግን ይህ ወሬ በሰፊው በሚወራበት ወቅት የተወራና የተፈፀመ ነገር ነበር። ኮ/ል አብይ በቻርተር አውሮፕላን ምፅዋ ድርስ ሄደው ነበር። የሄዱበት ምክንያት ብዙ ተቀባይነት ሳያገኝላቸው ወደ አዲስ አበባ ተመለሱ። በዛው ሌሊት የኤርትራ ጦር በሁሉም ግንባር ምሽግ እንዲገባ ተደረገ። በኢትዮጵያ በኩልም ጨቅላው የጦር አዛዥ ነኝ ባዩም የኢትዮጵያ ሰራዊትም ምሽግ እንዲገባ አዘዙትና ገባ። የሁለቱም አገር ሰራዊቶች ምሽግ መግባታቸው የተረጋገጠ ሐቅ ነው። አብይ መሄዳቸው ምንም የተገለፀ ነገር የለም። ከሶሻል ሚድያ ውጭ። ትንሽ ቆየት ብሎ ደግሞ አሉ የሉም ሲጫወቱ የቆዩት የሰሜኑ ኮርያ ኪም ኡን የሜይደይ በዓልን ለማክብር ታዩ ሲባል ኢሳያስም ከስትሮክ ነቅተው አስመራ ሳይታዩ ኢትዮጵያ ሄዱ ተባሉ። ኢትዮጵያም በሶሻል ሚድያ መጡ አለመጡም እየተባለ ጨቅላው በሚቆጣጠራቸው ሚዲያዎችና በማህበራዊ ሚዲያ አጋፋሪዎቹ የልጆች ጫወታ የሚመስል ተውኔት ተተወነ።

ይህ ሁሉ ምንድነው? ለምንድነው? ኢሳያስ ሊቆጣጠሩት ያልቻሉት ስትሮክ የደህንነታቸውንና የሰራዊታቸውን ምሽግ አልፎ አጠቃቸው። እሳቸውም የሞትን ዳርቻ አይተው በመቐለ ጎደና ሳልንሸራሸርማ ጠቅልዬ ለመሄድ አልተዘጋጀሁም ብለው ለወሰዳቸው ቅድስ አምላክ ይሁን ዲያብሎስ ተማፅነው ለአጭር ጊዜ ተመልሰዋል። የኮ/ል አብይ የሰሙኑ የጦር አዋጅ አጣዳፊነትም ከዚህ የሚመነጭ ይሆናል። የ’ቀን ጅቦች’ን መልክ አስይዞ የብልፅና አሰተዳዳሪው ኮ/ል ነብዩ ስሑል ሚኬኤል በራስ አሉላ አባነጋ አለምአቀፍ አውሮፕላን ማረፍያ አቀባበል ለአቶ ኢሳያስ አድርጎ ኢሳያስም የመቐለ ጎደናዎችን እንደተመኙት ተንሸራሽረው ዳርቻውን አይተው ሕ.ወ.ሓ.ት. የሰራችው የሚመረቅ የልማት ስራ ካለም መርቀው ተማፅነው ከወደ ተመለሱበት ለመሄድ እየተጣደፉ ይሆናል።

ኢሳያስ ለብዙ ዓመታት የኤርትራ ጠላት ወያኔ፣ አሜሪካ፣ እና ሌሎች ጎረቤት አገሮች እንደሆነ ሲሰብክ ቢቆይም ህዝቡ ራሱ ኢሳያስ መሆኑ ከተረዳ ቆይታል። የኤርትራ ህዝብ ኢሳያስ ይሙትም ይኑርም የኢሳያስን ስርዓት ለአንዴና ለመጨረሻ ለማስወገድ የጀመረው ትግል አቀጣጥሎታል።

ዳግም ትንሳኤ ለኤርትራ ነፃነት በሚል መፈክር ለሳላሳ ዓመታት የታገለ ህዝብ ከኢሳያስ ጭቆና ተላቆ ለውጥ የሚያረጋግጥበት ጊዜ ሩቅ አይደለም ብሎ በውስጥና በውጭ የሚኖሩ ኤርትራዊያን ‘ይኣክል’ (ይበቃል) ብለው እየታገሉ ነው። የኤርትራ ህዝብ በለውጥ ስም ነፃነቱ ወደ የውጭ ጣልቃ ገብነት ወይ ቀጥተኛ ወደአልሆነ አዲስ ቅኝ ግዛትም እንዲገባ ፍቃደኛ አይደለም። የተበተነች ኤርትራ እንድትሆንም ፍፁም ፍቃደኛ እንዳልሆነ በተለያዩ ሚድያዎች እየገለፀ ነው። ህዝብ ያልተሳተፈበት ለውጥ ከኢሳያስ ስርዓት በኃላም አይፈልግም። በህዝቦች ዲሞክራሲያዊ ተሳትፎ መንግስት ለማቋቋም የኤርትራ ህዝብ ብቃትም ንቃትም ያለው ህዝብ ነው። የማንም ሞግዚትም አይፈልግም። የኢሳያስን ሌጋሲ ለመጠበቅ የሚሞክር ኃይል የሚሸከም ዓቅምም ትዕግስትም የለውም። ከኢሳያስ አፈወርቅ ስርዓት ነፃ የሚሆንበት ጊዜ ናፍቃል፡፡ ጊዜውም ተቃርቧል።

የኢሳያስ አፋወርቂዋ ኤርትራ በኮቪዲ-91 የመጨረሻ ምዕራፍ በኔ ኢንፎርመሽንና ትንታኔ ይህን ትመስላላች።

ሁለቱም ክፍሎች በትዕግስት ስለአነበባችሁት አመሰግናለሁ። አስተያየታቹሁ፣ ደግፋችሁም ተቃውማቹሁም በዓይጋ ፎርም በኩል ብትፅፉ ይጠቅማል። እንወያይበትለን፡፡

ራሳችሁን ከኮቪዲ-19 እና ከኮቪዲ-91 ጠብቁ!

(ምንጭ : www.aigaforum.com )

"Mirror in the hall!" "Break the Mereb Wall!"

By Yared Huluf
One is constantly reminded of, even if one wishes to forget, the material and psychological impacts left behind on both the victims and perpetrators, antinomes they may be, that still linger on unabated to these days. As there has not been a clean break between the oppressors and the oppressed, as was the case with the colonial masters and the rest of the colonized African nations. In Ethiopia, the descendants of the victims and that of the oppressors still live together side by side, crammed into a single container (called Ethiopia) as if nothing wrong one had done to the other and yet at the same time, old habits die hard as they say, the descendant of the offenders still crave and want to continue the statuesque of domination in all aspects of life.

If one had a divine power at his/her fingertips one would wish to exhume the remains of Menelik, resuscitate to life and ask a hard question: Why he did sell out the people who fell under your domain to a foreign colonial power, unbecoming of any leader cruel or benevolent?

The pain of the crime committed, when the Treaty of Wechalle was signed May 2, 1889, is still felt every passing day 131 years and one month since its enactment.

Let us accept the chauvinists view that Menelik had no evil intentions when he signed the treaty to sell off the land and its people. They wanted us believe, it was a clever diplomatic maneuver to stave off a worse consequence the Italians had in mind.

Signing the treaty as he did, according to his followers , shows he was a farsighted leader unlike his predecessors.

If that was the case, how then was it possible that he signed two versions of the same treaty without fully and completely understanding the contents of both versions, unless one is to accept that he was an imbecile with no thinking fiber left in his brain and/or that of his advisors! It was most probable that he was an imbecile. What the followers do not want to tell us was that Menelik’s mind was progressively deteriorating due to the affliction of syphilis (tabes dorsales) he suffered from.

That said, Menelik was determined to destroy and weaken the Tigrian people regardless his own mental illness and predicament. One feels sorry for the ailment he suffered from but this could not an excuses in defense for the catastrophic mischief he did against the people under his rule. Perhaps he was not an imbecile, he knew what he was doing that there were two versions most probably he himself involved in collaborating so us to help him wriggle out of trouble when and if things go contrary to what was planned, as they deed in the end.

Suffering cognitive loss aside, he was selling part of the country and its people to foreign powers, his predecessors never ever had dreamt of doing, let alone its land and people offering for a wholesale, Yohannes said he had no rights to offer a handful of its soil as a gift when approached.

To reinforce the evil intensions of the Treaty of Wehchalle what transpired after the Battle of Adwa was the most things of all. After the Italian defeat one would have had hoped the Treaty of Wehachelle being revoked and binned; reparation paid, Instead what he did after the defeat of the Italians at the Battle of Adwa, was not only endorse the Treaty intact but he offered more land to the Italians north of Mereb by signing yet another Treaty of Hewet before the blood of the dead heroes dried.

Who in his right mind would secede yet more land after defeating an enemy? Who in his right mind would uphold a treaty that led to a war in the first place? Unless his cognitive power was compromised as we said earlier on, or he was evil extraordinaire who wished his adversaries a total and complete disintegration into pieces? But why? Tigrians and Eritreans were his loyal subjects and had done nothing untoward for Menelik to calibrated their demise.

Menelik sold part of the land that fell under his control once it had lost its leader, for financial gain and at the same time to divide and weaken the same people to two different masters whom, he rightly thought, could be a challenge to power he held.

In the end, the crime committed by Menelik achieved its ultimate level goal. It broke the backbone of the Tigrians and Eritreans by dividing two inseparable people who marched hand and glove at the dawn of history and then forced them to slave for two different colonial masters. The Eritreans for the Italians and the Tigrians for the Amharas. The Eritreans were forced to learn Italian language and culture, the Tigrians Ahmharic language and Amharic culture, except they did not have fully they call their own to be proud of.

A nation that produced individuals the likes of Zeray Yaecob and Yared who revolutionized the church and state culture and institutions; people who wrote the Bible in their own language were coerced to abandoned their own and practice alien version that was ill-formulated and translated from other languages and culture.

The same goes to the Quran. It was translated in to Amharic. Nowhere in the world is the Quran translated from Arabic to other languages. The followers of the Prophet advocated no Quran other than Arabic in content is valid and yet in Ethiopia this was/is ignored by the ruling group to propelled their own ethnocentric language and culture and force the Moslem believers to recite in Amharic language.

Of the two people divide the Tigrians came out worse both economically and culturally. At least the Italians had developed economy that trickledown and benefited the Eritreans. There were no such things from the Showan except misery.

Not only did Menelik, subjugated and rule Tigrians by dividing and handing over half to the Italians, his present followers conveniently found it useful to call Tigrains as a minority people, as if they engineered it themselves to serve them a purpose in the past as well as today. They call the Tigrisns ኣናሳ (this term has multi-pronged means: in its face value it means minorities but its insidious and invidious meaning is to portray Tigrians as inferior lice ridden scrooges). It goes without saying the term implies that the Tigrians are not worth deserving isopolity and are required to heed and obey the Amhara majority rule like it or not.

Menelik provides the initial tool with which Tigrains were hooked by the neck and drugged to the bloodstained pool to drawn and be killed.

Imagine as is the case now that Tigrians are expected to live with the rest in Ethiopia but put up with the denial to hold key government positions in their own country as it has been in the past.

Imagine even if they manage to secure high status in international stages, the first people to oppose their positions are none other than the diehard chauvinist unionist Ethiopians. A case in point is the opposition of WHO Chairperson, Dr Tedros Adhanom. Many if not all black peoples in the world would find this weird and unacceptable that Ethiopians opposing an Ethiopian running an international Organization! How can anyone live with such people?

One can understand the reasons Menelik and his followers adopted such tactics and sellout for their own benefits, but it ought to be crystal clear for Tigrians and Eritreans as victims that perpetuating the multifaceted conspiratorial designs of their colonial masters committed 131 years ago would adversely affect their abilities to stand alone, recovery, prosper and move forwards.

A bright destiny for Eritrean and Tigrians can only come if they are united as one people Christians and Moslems, believers and. nonbelievers, low and highlanders and with the difficulties the world now faces hope for the best.

Not only Bademe is Eritrea, Axum, Adwa, Temben, Raya-Azebo, Welkait Tsegedie, Enderta, Agame, Shire, Kelete Awelaelo are all Eritrea. Also Sahil, Barka, Kesella, shamboko, Hamadan, Akole Geziay and Seraye are Tigray.

If this is not a case and everyone works towards its achievement, there is no future for Eritrea nor there is for Tigray. Tigrians should stand for Eritreans and Eritreans for Tigrians not out of sympathy but out of necessities. One does lend hand for the other for one’s own sake; otherwise both are doomed to failure.

Stop bickering against each other, stop being petty and little, grow tall and great.

Stop implementing you adversaries agenda that works against your interest and wellness. Do not be a tool and a laughing stock; think ahead and destroy enemy plots.

If for fear to offend tens of thousands of honest, fair, upright and good intended Amharas, Tigrians and Eritreans lot drop your guard against the vocal chauvinists who are always in the driving seat, we will never get rid of this scourge and possibly mend our differences in the distance future with the well intended Amharas.

Tigrians and Eritreans mean no harm to anyone, when and if they say we had enough and we want to go it alone, even if it hurts the feelings of descent and well intended Amharas, we ought to forge ahead free of chauvinists and detractors to clear the pollute air. It nice that is dealt there is amble ground to come together but not now when the Chauvinists are tearing their heads.

The two need to act like the Germans who broke the Berlin wall and came together. The Germans busted the conspiracy webbed against them so as to keep them divided and broke so they would not change the status-quo of the world. The Germans did not dwell on insults labeling against each other as Eritrean call Tigrians Agame, በላዕ ኹዕንቲ, ተሽካም በለስ, ደፋእ ኹችነ and much less so the Tigrians calling Eritreans ሐሽከር ስላቶ!


Mirror in the hall,

Did you get my call?

“Yes, Break the Mereb wall

Once and for all.”

Stop being worst enemies of your own soul.

For everyone’s sake!

ትንሣኤ ትግራዋይነት ሥነልቦናዊ ውቕሮ ተጋሩ ብታሪኻዊ መነፅር

ካብ መርሥኤ ኪዳን

ኣቐዲመ ካብቶም ብኣሽሓት ዝቑፀሩ ኣብዝሓለፉ ክልተ ዓመታት ዝተኣሰሩ ኣሕዋትና ዝተወሰኑ ብምፍትሖም ዝተሰምዐኒ ሓጎስ ክገልፅ ይደልይ። ኣብመላእ ዓለም ንርከብ ተጋሩ ኣሕዋትና ክፍትሑ ዝገበርናዮ ፃዕሪ ዝድነቕ ይኹን እምበር እቶም ዝተፈትሑ ኣሕዋትና ብኣፃብዕ ዝቑፀሩ ብምዃኖምን ሎሚውን ብኣሽሓት ዝቑፀሩ ኣብ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ስለዝርከቡ ኩላህና እቲ ዝጀመርናዮ ፃዕሪ ኣጠናኺርና ክንቅፅለሉ ይግባእ። ነዛ ናይሎሚ ፅሕፍተይ ክፅሕፍ መንቀሊ ዝኾነትኒ ካብቶም ካብ ማእሰርቲ ዝተፈትሑ ኣሕዋትና ሓደ ዝኾነ ኮሎኔል ቢኒያም ተወልደ ነቲ ናይ ማእሰርቲ ግዜ ከመይ ከምዘሕለፎ ኣብዝተዛረበሉ ግዜ ዝተናገራ ቃል እያ።

 ብመጀመሪያ እቲ ኣብ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ዘሕለፎ ግዜ ምስባዕሉ ክመያየጥን ንብዙሓት ኣብቲ ጉያ ዝበዝሖ ናብራ ክሓስበሎምን ክመራመረሎምን ዕድል ኣብዘይነበሮ ጉዳያት ንከስተማስል ፅቡቅ ግዜን ዕድልን ከምዝፈጠረሉ ተዛረበ። ቐፂሉ ኻዓ ካብቶም ዘስተማሰለሎም ጉዳያት ሓደ ብዛዕባ መንነት ባዕሉን እቲ መንነቱ ዝግለፀሉ ትግራዋይነትን ዝተረድኦ ሓደ ነገር ከምዘሎ ገሊፁ። ንሱውን ኣብሞንጎ ተጋሩን ካልኦት ብሄረሰባት ኢትዮጵያን ብዛዕባ ኢትዮጵያ ትባሃል ሃገር ዘሎና ርድኢትን ራእይን ኣዝዩ ዝተርሓሓቐ ከምዝኾነ እዚውን እቲ ቀንዲ መንቀሊኡ እቲ ናትና ናይተጋሩ “ስነልቦናዊ ውቕሮን” ናይቶም ካልኦት ህዝብታት ስነልቦናዊ ውቕሮን ሓደ ከምዘይኮነ ከምዝበርሀሉ ገለፀ።

እዚ ጉዳይ እዚ ኣነውን ንብዙሕ ግዜ ክሓስበሉን ከስተማስለሉን ዝፀናሕኹ ጉዳይ እዩ። ከምቲ ኣብሸዋ ተወሊደ ምዕባየይ ኮይኑ ግና ካብ ማንም ትግራዋይ ብዘይነኣሰ በቲ ናይ ትግራዋይነት ስነ ልቦና ተወቂረ ምዕባየይ ነቲ ሓውና ቢኒያም ዝበሎ ናይስነ ልቦና ውቕሮ ኣፈላልያ ኣብሙሉእ ህይወተይ ክዕዘቦ ዝፀናሕኩ እዩ። እቲ ናይ ስነልቦና ውቕሮ ኣፈላልያ ብብዙሓት ባህሪያት ናይቲ ማሕበረሰብ ዝግለፅ እዩ።

ምስቲ ኣብተን ዝሓለፋ ክልተ ዓመታተ ዝመፀ ፖለቲካዊ ለውጢ ተታሒዙ ኣብተፈላለዩ ክፋላት ሃገርና ዝተርኣዩ ሰብኣዊ ቅልውላዋትን እተን ዝተፈላለያ ህዝብታት ናይታ ሃገር ዝፈፀምዎም ተግባራትን ዝጥቁሙና ነገር እንተሃልዩ ተጋሩ ፍልይ ዝበለ ማሕበረሰባዊ ስነ ልቦና ከምዘሎና እዩ። ኣብዛ ፅሕፍቲ እዚኣ እቶም ናይተጋሩ ባህሪያት መሠረቶም እንታይ ከምዝኾነን ብፍላይ ከምማሕበረሰብ ናይ ቀረባ ኣሕዋትና ምስዝኾኑ ኣምሓሩ ዘሎ ባህሪያዊ ኣፈላልያ እንታይ ከምዝኾነ ታሪኻዊን ስነልሳናዊን መርትዖታት ተደሪኸ ከርእይ ክፍትን እየ።

ከም ውልቀሰብ ነዚ ክፅሕፍ ዘብቅዐኒ ቅድመ ባይታ ኣለዎ እዩ። ከም ኣቆፃጽራ ኣውሮፓውያን ብ2018 ኣቦ መንበር ማሕበር ኢትዮጵያውያን ተጋሩ ኣብሜኔሶታ ኮይነ ይሰርሕ ነይረ። ንበዓል ኣሸንዳ ንምብዓል ኣብንሸባሸበሉ ግዜ ካብ እቶም ኣባላት ቦርድ ዝነበርና ሓደ ሓሳብ ኣምፀአ። ንሱውን ክንዲ ኩልሻዕ ተኣኪብና በሊዕና፣ ሰቲና፣ ሳዕሲዕና ንፈላለዮ ልምንታይ ነቶም ደቅና ብዛዕባ ታሪኽን ባህሊን ዓዶም ዝፈልጡሉ ናይ ሕቶን መልሲን ምድላው ዘይንገብር ዝብል ሓሳብ ኣምፀአ። ኮይኑ ግና እቶም ደቅና ኣንቢቦም ክርድኡዎም ዝኽእሉ ብቋንቋ እንግሊዝኛ ዝተፅሓፉ መፃሕፍቲ ክንረክብ ኣይካኣልናን። ስለዝኾነ ነቲ ናይ ሕቶን መልሲን ምድላው ከይገበርናዮ ሓሊፍና።

እቲ ጉዳይ ብዙሕ ኣሻቐለኒ። ካብትግራይ ወፃኢ ኣብ ካልኦት ሃገራት ዝውለዱን ዝዓብዩን ሓዱሽ ወለዶ ተጋሩ ብዛዕባ መንነቶም ዝፈልጡሉ ዕድል ኣዝዩ ንኡስ ከምዝኾነ ተረዲአ። ስለዝኾነ ነቲ ክፍተት ወላ ብንእሽተይ መጠን ክትምልእ ትኽእል ኢለ ዝሓሰብኩዋ “The Habesha Chronicles” ዘርእስታ መፅሓፍ ኣሐቲመ ንንባብ ኣብቂዐ። ዛጊድ ኣብ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ብዙሕ ወለዲ ኣንቢቦም ንውላዳቶም ከምዚ ዝበለ መፅሓፍ ብምርካቦም ክንደየናይ ከምተሓጎሱ በብግዚኡ ብኢሜይልን ብኻልኦት መርበባት ገይሮም ይሰዱለይ ኣለዉ።

 ነቶምሓዱሽ ወለዶ ኣሕዋተይ ከፍልጥ ኢለ ኣብዝጀመርክዎ ታሪኽ ናይተጋሩ ናይምንባብን ምፅሓፍን ተበግሶይ ዝረኸብክዎም ሓቅታትን ጭብጢታትን ኣነ ባዕለይ ንነዊሕ ግዜ ሒዘዮም ዝፀናሕኩ ኣተሓሳስባታትን ታሪኻዊ ርድኢታትን ዝፍትኑ ኮይኖም ረኺበዮም። መብዛሕትና ተጋሩ ኣብተን ኢትዮጵያ ወይ ኻዓ ኤሪትራ ዝባሃላ ፖለቲካዊ መንነታት ተዋሒጥና ነቲ ካብቶም ቀዳሞት ስልጡናት ሓደ ዝነበረ መንነትና ከምዝረሳዕናዮን እቲ ሓዱሽ ወለዶውን ብዛዕባ ትግራዋይነት መንነቱ ዝፈልጠሉ ዕድል ፈፂሙ እናጠፍአ ይኸይድ ከምዘሎ ተረዳእኹ። ሎሚ ከምመቐፀልታ ናይቲ ተበግሶይ ኣብተጋሩ (ትግርኛ ተዛረብቲ) ዘተኮረ ካልኣይ መፅሓፍ ኣብምፅሓፍ ይርከብ። እዛ መፅሓፍ እዚኣውን ብቋንቋ እንግሊዝኛ ትፀሓፍ ስለዝኾነት እግረመንገደይ ኣብምንባብ ዝረኸብኩዎም መፅናዕቲታት ተደሪኸ ብዛዕባ እቲ ወቕታዊ ዝኾነ ስያሜ መንነት ተጋሩን መንቀሊ ባህሪያትናን ዘለኒ ርድኢት ብትግርኛ ከቕርበልኩም እፍትን።

ሓደ ካብዘሕዝኑኒ ነገራት ኣንሕና ተጋሩ ንኹን ካልኦት ህዝብታት ኢትዮዮጵያን ኤሪትራን ብሓፈሻ ህዝብታት ኣፍሪካ ብዛዕባ ታሪኽና ንረኽቦም ሓበሬታታት ካብቶም ብኻልኣይ ብርኪ ነቲ ታሪኽና ወሲዶም ከምቲ ዝደልዩዎ ዝፀሓፍዎ ምዕራባውያን ታሪኽ ፀሓፍቲ እዩ። ወላኳ መብዛሕትኦም ኣውሮፓውያን ተመራመርቲ ነቲ ታሪኽና ዝበረዝዎ ኮነ ኢሎም እንተዘይኮነ መብዛሕትኡ ታሪኽ ዝፀሓፍዎ በቲ ናቶም ኣረኣእያን ካብቲ ቅድሜኦም ዝነበሩ ኣውሮፓዊ ስነሓሳባትን ጭብጢታትን ተበጊሶም ብምዃኑ እቲ ዝፅሕፉዎ ታሪኽ ክንድቲ ርሕቐቶም መጠን ህፀፅ/ጌጋ ወይ ጉድለት ኣለዎ እዩ።

ንምሳሌ ኣብማኸላይ ዘመን ፖርቱጋላውያን ኣብ ዓድና ምስመፁ እቲ ህዝቢ ብሓፈሻ ንባዕሉ ሓበሻ (ኅበሳ) ኢሉ ከምዝፅውዕ ረኣዩሞ ናብናቶም ቋንቋ ክቕይርዎ እንከለዉ “ኣቢሲንያ” በልዎ። ብዘሕዝን ኣካይዳ፣ መማህራን ናይሓበሻ ነቲ ባዕላቶም ካብ ኣበዋቶምን እመዋቶምን ዝረኸብዎ ቀዳማይ ብርኪ መረዳእታ ገዲፎም ናይቶም ኣውሮፓውያን ብዛዕባና ክፅሕፉ ዝተጠቀሙሉ “ኣቢሲኒያ” ዝባሃል ስያሜ ናብ ስርዓተ ትምህርቲ ኣእቲዮም የምህሩ ኣለው። እቲ ትኽኽልኛ ስምና ግና “ሓበሻ” ወይ “ኅበሳ” እምበር ኣቢሲኒያ ኣይኮነን።

ብተመሳሳሊ ብዛዕባ ስያሜ መንነት ተጋሩ ኣዝዩ ግጉይ ሓበሬታ ኣብቲ ስሩዕ ትምህርቲ ናይ ኢትዮጵያ ከይተረፈ ይንገር እዩ። ንሱውን እቲ ትግራዋይ ዝብል ስያሜ ካብ ቋንቋ ዓረብ ከምዝመፀን “ትግሪ” ማለት ነጋዳይ ህዝቢ ማለት እዩ ዝብል ኣስተምህሮ እዩ። እዚ ፍፁም ሓሶት ምዃኑ ዘርእዩ መረዳእታታት ኣለው። መእምር ቦኽረፅዮን ዝተብሃሉ ትግራዋይ ኤሪትራዊ ብዛዕባ ቋንቋ፣ ግእዝ፣ ትግርኛ፣ ዓረብን ካልኦት ጥንታዊ ቋንቋታት ብዙሕ መፅናዕቲ ዝገበሩ ኮይኖም ብዛዕባ ስያሜ መንነትና ዝኾነ “ትግራይ” ዝብል ቃል ብጭብጢ ልሳናዊ ኣመፃፅኡ የረድኡ እዮም።

 ቅድሚ ናብቲ ልሳናዊ ትርጉም “ትግራይ” ምእታውና ታሪኻዊ ቅድመ ባይታ ናይቲ ህዝቢ ክንርእይ ይግባእ። ኣሽሓት ዓመታት ቅድሚ ልደተ ክርስቶስ ኣትሒዙ “ሰብኣውያን” ኣብ ናይሎሚ ትግራይ፣ ኤርትራን የመንን ይነብሩ ከምዝነበሩ እቶም ቀዳሞት ኣበዋትና ካብዝሓደግዎም “ሰብኣዊ” (ሳባዊ) ፅሑፋት ዝተፅሓፈሎም ናይ እምኒ ፅላታት ክነረጋግፅ ንኽእል ኢና። መብዛሕትኦም ኣውሮፓውያን ናይታሪኽ ተመራመርቲ ቀዲሞም ዝተፋለጡ ምስቲ ንሳቶም ሴማዊ እናበሉ ዝፅወዕዎ ናይ ዓረብ ቋንቋ ብምዃኑ ብፍላይ ኻዓ እቶም ሎሚ ኩላህና ንጥቀመሎም ቁፅሪታት(Arabic Numbers) ካብ ዓረብኛ ዝረኸብዎም ስለዝኾኑ ካብቲ ንቋንቋ ዓረብ ዝነበሮም ልዑል ኣረኣእያን ነቶም ናይ ቆዳና ቐለም ፀሊም ዝኾነ ህዝቢ ካብዘለዎም ንዕቀት ተበጊሶምም ሰብኣውያን ካብ ዓረብያ ተበጊሶም ናብ ናይሎሚ ትግራይን ኤሪትራን መፂኦም ዝብል ታሪኽ መሓዙ።

 ኮይኑ ግና እቲ ጂኦሎጂካል መረዳእታ ከምዘርእዮ ወድሰብ ካብ ሎሚ ኣፍሪካ ኢልና ንፅውዓ (ብናይ ኣበው ኣፀዋውዓ “ካሚታ”) ተበጊሱ ናብ ኤሽያ ኣህጉር ተሳገረ እምበር ካብ ኤሽያ ናብ ኣፍሪካ ኣይተሳገረን። ኣብ ኤርትራ ይኹን ኣብ ትግራይን ዓፋርን ዝተረኸቡ ኣርኪዮሎጂካል መረዳእታታት ወዲ ሰብ ቅድሚ ክልተ ሚኢቲ ሺሕ ዓመታት ኣትሒዙ ዝተፈላለዩ መሳርሒታታ ካብ እምኒ ሰሪሑ ኣብቲ ሎሚ ተጋሩን ዓፋርን ንነብረሉ ቦታ ስልጣኔ ከምዝጀመረ የርእዩ። እቲ ዝሰልጠነን ካልኦት ክፋላት መሬት ክድህስስ ዝደለየን ህዝቢ ኻዓ በቲ ሎሚ ዓደን ወይ የመን ንብሎ መሬት ብ”ባብ ኤል መንደብ” ገይሩ ናብቲ ዝተረፈ ክፋል መሬት ተስፋፍሐ። ስለዝኾነ ሰብኣውያን (ሳባውያን) ካብ ናይሎሚ ትግራይን ኤሪትራን ተበጊሶም ናብ የመን ከዱ እምበር ካብ የመን ኣይመፁን። እቲ ኻሊእ ነዚ ሓሳብ ዝድግፍ መረዳእታ እቲ ስነ ልሳን እዩ። ዋላኳ እቶም ናይ ዓረብን ናይኣውሮፓን ሰነዳት ነቲ ህዝቢ “ሳባ” ኢሎም ተሰነዱዎ ብዝኾነ ቋንቋ ትርጉም የብሉን። ኮይኑ ግና በቶም ውላዳት ሰብኣውኛ ዝኾኑ ግእዝ፣ ትግርኛን ትግራይትን(ቋንቋ ትግረ) “ሰብእ” ማለት “ሰብ” ወይ ኻዓ “ህዝቢ” ማለት እዩ። እቲ ካብ ሃዲንካ ምብላዕ ሓሊፉ በመሳርሒታት ምሕራስን ምፅሓፍን ዝጀመረ ህዝቢ ንባዕሉ ሰብእ ኢሉ ክፅውዕ ዝጀመረሉ ግዜ ኣሸሓት ዓመታት ቅድመ ልደተ ክርስቶስ ኣብ ናይሎሚ ትግራይን ኤሪትራን እዩ።

 ድሕሪኡ ኣብቲ ንጉስ ሰለሞን ምስ ንግስተ ሳባውያን (ሰብኣውያን) ተራኸበ ኣብተባህለ ግዜ ሰብኣውያን ካብ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ ሓሊፎም ናብ የመን ሰጊሮም ከምዝነበሩ እሙን እዩ። ስለዝኾነ እታ ናብ ሰለሞን ዝኸደት ንግስቲ ሰብኣውያን የመናውያን ይኹኑ ተጋሩ (ናይ ኢትዮጵያን ኤርትራን) ናትና እያ እንተበልዋ ጌጋ የብሉን። 

ኣብዚኣ ነቶም ስነልሳን ክምርምሩን ክርድኦም ዝኽእሉን ሓንቲ ዓይኒ ኸፋቲት መረዳእታ ከቕርብ። ኣብቲ ናይ ግእዝ ኣፀሓሕፋ (ግእዝ ማለት መሰረታዊ (standard) ኣናባቢ ዘይተሓወሶ ድምፂ ወይ ፊደል ማለት እዩ) ኣብቶም ኣብየመን ይኹን ኣብ ትግራይን ኤርትራን ዝተረኸቡ ናይ ሰብኣውያን ፅላታት ንረኽቦ ፅሑፍ ዝተፅሓፈ ከምዚ እዩ “አበሰ” (ካብ የማን ንፀጋም ዝንበብ ማለት እዩ)። ከምቲ ሎሚ ንፅሕፎ ካብ ፀጋም ናብ የማን እንድሕር ተፃሒፉ “ሰበአ” ይኸውን ማለት እዩ። ኣብዚኣ ንረኽባ ቁም ነገር እቲ “ሰበኣ” ንብሎ ንድሕሪት ክነንብቦ ከሎና “ኣበሰ” ኮይኑ ንረኽቦ። እቶም ግእዝ ኣፀቢቆም ዝፈልጡ ከምዝርድኡዎ ኣብቲ ጥንታዊ ግእዝ ይኹን ሰብኣዊ ቋንቋ “ሰ”ን “ሸ”ን ተለዋዋጢ እየን። ስለዝኾነ እቲ “አበሰ” ዝብልን “አበሸ” ዝብልን ሓደ እዩ። እቲ ቁምነገር እቶም ሰብኣውያን ዝበሃሉ ህዝቢን ሓበሻውያን (ኅበሳውያን) ዝበሃሉ ህዝቢን ሓደ እዮም ንምባል እዩ። 

ስለዝኾነ እቲ ሓበሻ ወይ ኅበሳ ዝበሃል ቃል ከምቲ እቶም ዘመናዊ ናይ ታሪኽ ፀሓፍቲ ኢና ዝብሉ ሰባት ዝብሉዎ ካብ ቋንቋ ዓረብ ዝተወሰደ ዘይኮነ ናይባዕልና ጥንታዊ ስም እዩ። ካብቲ ሰብኣውያንን ሓበሻን ቐፂሉ ዝመፀ ናይ ኣበዋትና ስያሜ “ኣግኣዝያን” ዝብል እዩ። ብስነ ልሳን ናይ ሓደ ቋንቋ ኩሎም ቃላት መሠረቶም ግሥታት ወይ ኻዓ ገቢራዊ ቃላት እዮም። ንምሳሌ ሓረሰ ዝብል ግሥ ቃል ናብ ሓረስታይ፣ መሕረሲ፣ ሕርሻ፣ ተሓራሲ፣ ሓራሲ እናተብሃለ ካልኦት ቃላት ይፈጥር ማለት እዩ። ብተመሳሳሊ ኣግኣዚያን ዝብል ቃል መሠረቱ እቲ “ገአዘ” ካብ ዝብል ቃል ዝተበገሰ እዩ። ገኣዘ ማለት “ፀንዐ” ወይ “ሥርዓት ሓዘ” “ዘይልወጥ መሠረት ኮነ” ማለት እዩ። ንኣብነት ግኡዝ ክንብል ከሎና ዘይንቀሳቐስ ዘይልወጥ፣ ኣብዘለዎ ዝፀንዐ ኣካል ማለት እዩ። ነቲ ገኣዘ ዝብል ግሥ ቃል ክነራብሖ ከሎና ናብ ኣግኣዘ ዝብል ቃል ንበፅሕ። ኣግኣዘ ማለት “ሥርዓት ክተሓዝ ገበረ”፣ መሠረት ኣትሓዘ፣ መስመር ኣትሓዘ፣ (Standard) ፈጠረ ማለት እዩ። ስለዝኾነ ቀደም ኣብ ዘመነ ኣክሱም ዝነበሩ ኣቦታትና ኣግኣዝያን ዝባሃሉ ካብ ኣክሱም ተበጊሶም ብምብራቕ ስካብ ዓረብያ ብደቡብ ስካብ ፑንት (ሶማሊያ)፣ ብምዕራብ ስካብ መሮዌ ብሰሜን ስካብ ምስሪ እናዘመቱ ነቲ ኣረመኔ (ስርዓት ዘይብሉ፣ savage) ህዝቢ ይ”ግእዙ”፣ የፅንዑ፣ ሥርዓት የትሕዙ ስለዝነበሩ ኣግኣዝያን ይባሃሉ ነበሩ። ግእዝ ዝባሃል ቋንቋናውን እቲ ናይ ስያሜ ትርጉሙ “መሠረት” (base) ወይ ኻዓ ናይ ፅሑፍ (standard) ማለት እዩ።

 ካብ ኣግኣዝያን፣ ኅበሳ/ሓበሻን፣ ሰብኣውያን ብተወሳኺ ስካብ ሎሚ ሒዝናዮ ዘለና ስያሜና ኻዓ ትግራይ እዩ። ኣብዚ ብዛዕባ ትግራይ ዝብል ስያሜ ዘቕርቦ መረዳእታ ምስቲ ኣግኣዚያዊ መንነትና ተታሒዙ ነቲ ሎሚ ንርእዮም ናይህዝብና ባህርያት ከመይ ከምዝሓዝና፣ ከመይ ሰብ ሥርዓት ከምዝኾንና፣ ከመይ ሰብኣዊነት ዝስምዐና ህዝቢ ከምዝኾንና የርእይ እዩ። ቅድሚ ናብቲ ትግራይ ዝብል ስያሜ ከመይ ከምዝረኸብና ምርኣይና ናይ ኣክሱም ኢምፓየርን (ሃፄያዊ መንግስቲ) ናይ ካልኦት ኢምፓየራት ተመሳሳሊ ባህሪ ንመልከት። ንኣክሱም ሓዊሱ መብዛሕትኦም ኢምፓየራት መበገሲኦም ምዕቡል ከተማ (City State) እዩ። መብዛሕቲኦም ካብታ ምዕብልቲ ከተማ ኮይኖም ግዝኣቶም ብምስፋሕ ነቲ ግዝኣቶም የመሓድሩ። ኣብቲ ናይ ሃፀይ (ኢምፓየር) ግዝኣትነት ዝሕወሱ ህዝብታት ዝህልዎም ኣባልነት ናይቲ መንግስቲ ዝተፈላለየ ብርኪ ይህልዎ። ፍርቆም ባርያ ኮይኖም ይጋዓዙ፣ ፍርቆም ኣብዘለውዎ ኮይኖም ተገዛእቲ ይኾኑ፣ ፍርቆም ካልኣይ ብርኪ ዜጋ ናይቲ ኢምፓየር ይኾኑ ፍርቆም ኻዓ ቐጥተኛ ዜጋ ናይቲ ሃፀይን (Empire) ናይታ ከተማ (City State) ይኾኑ። 

ንምሳሌ ናይ ሮም ከተማ ምዕቡል ህዝቢ ዝመርሕ ሃፀይ (Emperor) ካብ ሮም ተበጊሱ ግዝኣቱ እናስፍሐ ብዙሕ ክፋላት ዓለም ገዚኡ እዩ። ኣብ ናይሮማ ኢምፓየር እቶም ናይ ሮማ ከተማን ከባቢኣን ህዝቢ ሮማውያን ይባሃሉ (Cives Romani) ናይ ሮማ ዜጋ እዮም። ኩሎም ናይባዕሎም መሬት ነይርዎም፣ ናይባዕሎም ጥሪት ናይምፍራይን ኩሎም ፖለቲካዊ መሰላቶም ዝተሃልዉሎም ነይሮም። ብኻልኣይ ብርኪ ናይባዕሎም ሥርዓትን ምምሕዳርን ዘለዎም ግና ብትሕቲ ሃፀይ ሮማ ዝኣተዉ ህዝብታት ካልኣይ ብርኪ ዜግነት ነይርዎም። ብሳልሳይ ብርኪ ኣረመኔ (ሥርዓት ዘይብሎም, savage) ዝነበሩ ናብ ሮማ ግዝኣት ዝኣተዉ ግን ብባርነት ዘይተትሓዙ ምስ ካብ ባርነት ናፃ ዝወፁ ተሓዊሶም ሳልሳይ ብርኪ ዜግነት ነይርዎም። እቶም ናይ መጨረሻ ብርኪ ዜግነት ዘለዎም ኣብዝኾነ ግዝኣት ሮማ ብባርነት ዝነብሩ ነይሮም። 

ኣብ ኣክሱማዊ ሃፀያዊ መንግስቲውን (ኢምፓየርውን) ተመሳሳሊ ናይ ዜግነት ብርኪታት ነይሮም። ናብ መን ኣይናይ ብርኪ ነይርዎ ዝብል ቅድሚ ምኻድና ብዛዕባ ሓንቲ ቃል ልሳናዊ ትርጉም ምርዳእ ኣድላይ ይኸውን። ንሱውን “ሃገር” ዝብል ቃል እዩ። ሎሚ ሃገር ዝብል ቃል ንጥቀመሉ ነቲ ናይ ቀደም ብሔር ዝብል ቃል ብምትካእ እዩ። ኣብ ዘመነ ኣክሱም “ሀገር” ዝብል ቃል ዝተፈለየ ትርጉም ነይርዎ። ሃገር ካብ “ሀገረ” ዝብል ግሣዊ ቃል ዝብገስ እዩ። ሀገረ ማለት ሰልጠነ፣ በልሐ፣ ፀረየ፣ በዓል ሥርዓት ኮነ ወይ በእንግሊዝኛ/ላቲን (civilize) ንብሎ ቃል ማለት እዩ። ንኣብነት ብ ኣምሓርኛ ንዘይሰልጠነ ፈረስ ከተምህሮን ስርዓት ክተትሕዞን ከሎኻ “ተገራ” ትብሎ። “ተገርሀ” ማለት ጥራሕ ከይኾነ “ተሃገረ” ከምማለትውን እዩ። ስለዝኾነ ኣብ ኣክሱማዊ ኢምፓየር ናይቲ ስልጣኔ (civilization) ኣካል ዝኾኑ ህዝቢ ቀዳማይ ብርኪ ዜጋ ነይሮም። ብኻልኣይ ብርኪ ከም ቤጃ፣ ኢትዮጵያ፣ ራይዳን፣ ሕምያር ዝበሉ ኻዓ ናይቲ ኢምፓየር ኣባላት ዝኾኑ መንግስታት ናይባዕሎም ሥርዓትን ባህሊን ሒዞም ነበሩ። እቶም ኣብ ከምዚ ዝበሉ ግዝኣታት ዝነበሩ ካልኣይ ዜግነት ነይርዎም። ብሳልሳይ ብርኪ ኻዓ እቶም ኣረመኔ ዝነበሩ ኣብ ናይ ኣክሱም ግዝኣት ዝተፀንበሩ ኮይኑ ግና ኣብባርነት ዘይኣተዉ ህዝቢ ነይሮም። ከም ኩሉ ናይቲ ግዜ ኢምፓየራት ብባርነት ዝገዓዙ ናይመጨረሻ ብርኪ ኣባላት ነይሮም።

 ኣብ ኣክሱማዊ ኢምፓየር ናብኩሉ ዓንፈት እናወፈሩ የግእዙ (ስርዓት የትሕዙ፣ ኣብ ኣመሓድራ የእትዉ) ዝነበሩ ህዝቢ ኣግኣዝያን ይባሃሉ ከምዝነበሩ ኣብላዕሊ ተገሊፁ እዩ። እዞም ህዝቢ እዚኦም ኣብቲ ስርዓት ምሕደራ ኣክሱማዊ መንግስቲ “ተሃጋርያን” ነቲሓደ ሰብ ኻዓ “ተሃጋራይ” ይባሃሉ ነይሮም። ንሱውን ባዓል ሀገር (ሀገር ማለት ስልጣኔ፣ civilization) ማለት እዩ ነይሩ። ስለዝኾነ እዚኦም ናይቲ ስልጣኔ ሥርዓት ማሓዝቲን ኣፈፀምቲን ዝኾኑ ህዝቢ “ተሃጋራይ” ይባሃሉ ነይሮም። ድሕሪ ግዜን በናይቋንቋ ምልውዋጥን እቲ “ተሃጋራይ” ናብ “ትግራይ” ዝብል ተቐየረ። ስለዝኾነ ትግራይ ማለት ዝሰልጠነ፣ ሥርዓት ዝፈልጥ፣ ሥርዓት ዘስፍን፣ ባዓል ዋና ናይቲ “ሀገር” (ስልጣኔ፣ civilization) ማለት እዩ። በቲ ግእዛዊ ኣፀዋውዓ ሎሚ ሃገር ንብሎ ብሔር እዩ ዝበሃል። እቲ ናይ “ተሃጋርያን” ወይ ካዓ “ተሃጋሩ” ሃገር ብሔረ ኣግኣዝያን ይባሃል ከምዝነበረ ብዙሓት መረዳእታታት ኣለዉ። ኣብትሕቲ ኣክሱማዊ ኢምፓየር እቶም ወነንቲ ብሔረ ኣግኣዝያን (ኣክሱም ከተምኦም) ኮይኖም ብዙሓት ብሔራት (ብናይሎሚ ኣፀዋውዓ ሃገራት) ብትሕቴኦም ከምዝነበራ ካብ ሓድጊታት ኢዛናን ካሌብን ምርዳእ ይካኣል። ካብቶም ትሕቲ መግዛእቲ ኣክሱማውያን ዝኾና ብሔራት ሓደ ኢትዮጵያ ዝባሃል ብሔር ከምዝነበረ ኣብ ናይ ኢዛና ፅላት ብግልፂ ተፃሒፉ ይርከብ። 

ኣብሮማ ኢምፓየር ሓደ ናይ ሮማ ዜጋ ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ልህቀት ዘለዎ፣ ሥርዓት ዘለዎ፣ ናብቶም ካልኦት ግዝኣታት እናወፈረ ዝሰርዕ ህዝቢ ማለት ነይሩ። ነቲ ሮማዊ ኣተሓሳስባን ሥርዓትን “Romanitas” ይብልዎ ነይሮም። ኣብቲ ኣክሱማዊ ሃፀያዊ መንግስቲ ኻዓ እቲ ተመሳሳሊ ኣተሓሳስባን ሥርዓት “ትሃጋራይነት” ወይ ብናይሎሚ ቋንቋ “ትግራዋይነት” እዩ ነይሩ። ነቲ ሥርዓት እናወፈረ በብግዝኣቱ ዘስፍን ህዝቢ ኻዓ “ትሃጋራይ” (ትግራይ) ይባሃል ነይሩ።

 ኣባል ኣመራርሓ ማሕበር ኢትዮጵያውያን ተጋሩ ኣብ ሜኒሶታ ኣብቲ ዝነበርኩሉ ግዜ ምስ ካልኦት ኢትዮጵያውያን ማሕበረሰባት ሕብረት ንምፍጣር ንፅዕር ነይርና ሓደ ግዜ ሰሊጡልና ምስ ኦሮሞ፣ ጋምቤላ፣ ሶማልን ዓፋርን ብሓባር ክንሰርሕ ጀሚርና ነይርና። ፀኒሑ ናይ ኣምሓሩ ማሕበረሰብ ዝባሃል ተጣይሹ መፂኦም ተሓዊሶምና። እቲ ናይ ኣባልነት ፎርም ብኣጋጣሚ ኾይኑ ኣነ ይምልኦ ነይረ። ናይቲ ሓደ ኣመራርሓ ማሕበረሰብ ኣምሓሩ መረዳእታ ክምልእ ከለኹ ኣብቲ ብሄር ዝብል “ኣምሓራ” ኢለ ክመልእ እንተለኹ ጠጠው ኣቢሉኒ “ኣምሓራ” ዝብል ቃል ጌጋ ከምዝኾነን ንሱ “ኣማራ” ከምዝኾነ ነጊሩኒ። እዚኣ ትምክሕቲ እምበር “ኣምሓራይ” ምዃንካ ይፈልጠካ እየ እናበልኩ ብልበይ ከምታ ዝበለኒ “ኣማራ” ኢለ ፅሒፈያ። 

ድሕሪኡ ብዛዕባ ታሪኽ ህዝቢ ኣምሓራውን ከንብብ ጀሚረ። እቲ ዝረኸብኩዎ መረዳእታ ዘርእዮ እቲ ሎሚ ኣምሓራ ንብሎ ህዝቢን እቲ ጥንታዊ ነገደ ኣማራ ዝባሃልን ሓደ ከምዘይኮነ እዩ። ካብ ቅድሚ ክርስትና ናይ ኣክሱም መንግስቲ ኣትሒዙ “ኣማራ” ዝብሃል ህዝቢ ኣብናይሎሚ ደቡብ ወሎ “ሣይንት” ኣብዝበሃል ኸባቢ ይነብር ነይሩ። እዚ ህዝቢ ከምቶም ካልኦት ዝብታት ኣብትሕቲ ኣክሱማዊ ሃፀይ ዝመሓደር ህዝቢ ነይሩ።

 ኣምሓራ ዝብሃል ህዝቢ ዝተፈጠረ ግና ድሕሪ ሃፀይ ኢዛና እዩ። ቅድሚ ናብ ኣሰያይማ ኣምሓራ ምኻድና ተመሳሳሊ ታሪኽ ዘለዎ ናይሮማ ሃፄያዊ መንግስቲ ታሪኽ ንመልከት። ቆስጠንጢኖስ (Constantine) ንክርስትና ከምሃይማኖቱ ተቐቢሉ ሃይማኖት ናይሮማውያን ከምዝኾነ ምስኣወጀ እቲ ናይሮማ ግዝኣት ናይምስፋሕ ኸይዲ ሃይማኖታዊ መልክዕ ሓዘ። ዝኾነ ህዝቢ ኣብትሕቲ ሮማ ምስ ኣተወ ናብክርስትያንነት ምቕያር ተጀመረ። መብዛሕትኦም ናይ ቀደም ናይሮም ክርስቲያናዊ ኣስተምህሮታት ሓደሰብ ክርስቲያን ምስኾነ ነቲ ቀደም ዝነበሮ ነገድ ሓደገ ምስኩሉ ክርስቲያን ናይሮማ ሓደ ኮነ ማለት ከምዝኾነ የምህሩ ነይሮም። ነቶም ክርስቲያን ዘይነበሩ ህዝቢ ኣረመኔ (savage) ንክርስቶስ ተቐቢሎም ናይሮማ ካቶሊኽ ቤተክርስቲያን ኣባል ዝኾኑ ኻዓ ካብ ኣረመኔነት ሓራ ዝወፁ “ክርስትያን” ይባሃሉ ነይሮም። 

ሃፀይ ኢዛና ክርስትና ናይመንግስቲ ሃይማኖት ገይሩ ምስ ኣወጀ ኣብ ኣክሱማዊ ሃፄያዊ መንግስቲውን ተመሳሳሊ ኣካይዳ ነይሩ። ካብ ናይ ሎሚ ትግራይን ኤሪትራን ተበጊሶም ናብ ደቡብ እናወፈሩ ዘምህሩ ብዙሓን መነኮሳት ነይሮም። ብሃፀይ ኢዛና ኣዛዚነት ምንኣስ ሓዉ ንኢዛና ዝኾነ ሳኢዛና ዝመርሖም ወትሃደራት ናብ ደቡብ ወፊሮም ኩሉ ዝረኸብዎ ነገድ ካብ ፀልማት፣ ድንቁርና፣ ኣረመኔነት ናብ ናይክርስቶስ ትምህርቲ ናፃ (ሓራ) የውፅእዎ ነይሮም። ከምቲ መብዛሕትና ንፈልጦ ብቋንቋ ግእዝ “ዐም” (ኣም) ማለት ህዝቢ ማለት እዩ። ዝለዝኾነ እቶም ካብ ኣረመኔነት፣ ፀልማትን፣ ድንቁርና ናፃ ዝወፁን ንክርስቶስ ዝተቐባሉን “ ዐምሓራ” (ኣምሓራ፤ ሓራ ዝወፀ ህዝቢ) ይባሃሉ ነይሮም። 

ከምቲ ናይ ሮማ መንግስቲ ናብ ባይዛንታይን ተቐይሩ ክርስቲያንነትን ባይዛንታይነትን ሓደ ከምዝኾኑ ኣብ ኣክሱምውን ብናይ ኣባ ፍሬምናጦስ (ኣባ ሰላማ) ድፍኢት እቲ መንግስቲ ስያሜኡ ናብ “ኢትዮጵያ” ቐየረ። ሓደ ሰብ ካብዝኾነ ነገድ እንድሕር ናይ ኢትዮጵያ ኦርቶዶክስ እምነት ተቐቢሉ ተጠሚቑ ኻዓ ኣምሓራ ኾነ ወይ ኢትዮጵያዊ ኾነ ዝብል ትርጉም ተውሃቦ። ነቲ ዝተፈላለየ ኣብደቡብ ዝነብር ነገድ እናወፈሩ ኣምሓራ ዝገብርዎ ኻዓ ባዕሎም “ትሃጋርያን” (ተጋሩ) ወይ ኻዓ ኣግኣዝያን ነይሮም። 

ኮይኑ ግና ድሕሪ ሻብዓይ ክፍለ ዘመን ብሔረ “ኣግኣዚያን” (ተሃጋርያን) ዓብይ ፈተና ገጠሞም። ባይዛንታይን ብዑትማን ቱርካውያን ከምተትሓዘት እቲ ናይ ኣክሱማውያን መዋፈሪ ዝነበረ ምብራቃዊ ገማግም ናይሎሚ ኤርትራን ሶማልን ኣብትሕቲ ዓረብን ቱርክን ወደቐ። ናይ ዓረብ ሠራዊት ናብ ውሽጢ ኣክሱማዊ ግዝኣት ውን ኣተወ። ኣክሱማውያን ናብ ቆላታት ናይሎሚ ኤርትራን ትግራይ ሃዲሞም ተሓብኡ። ዓዕራብ ነቲ ዝነበረ ኣባይቲ ይኹን ሕርሻ ይኹን ኩሉ ምዕባለ ኣጥፍኡዎ። ሃይማኖታዊ ፅሑፋትን ንዋያትን ኣብከውሒታት እናኾዓቱ ብዝሓብኡወን መነኮሳት ብጣዕሚ ንእሽተይ ተሪፈን። ሃይማኖታዊ ዘይኮኑ ፅሑፋት፣ ንዋያትን ሓድጊታትን ግና ሙሉእ ብሙሉእ ጠፊኦም። ዓዕራብ ነቲ ናይ ኣግኣዝያን ሃገር ምጥፋእ ከም ቀንዲ ዋኒኖም ሓዝዎ።

 ዓዕራብ ንኣክሱማውያን ወይ ኣግኣዝያን (ተጋሩ) ብዝተፈለየ ከጥፍኡ ዝደለይሉ ታሪኻዊ ምኽኒያት ኣለዎም። ኩሉ ዓረብ ካብ ህፃንነቱ ኣትሒዙ ዝማሃሮ ሓደ ታሪኽ ኣሎ። ንሱውን ኣብራሃ ዝተብሃለ ናይ ሃፀይ ካሌብ ወትሃደራዊ መራሒ ናብ “ካእባ” ዝባሃል ቦታ ዝገበሮ ወፍሪ እዩ። እዚ ታሪኽ እዚ ኩሉ ዓረብ “ኣብረሃን ሓራምዙን” ብዝባሃል ኣፋዊ ታሪኽ እናተነገሮ ዝዓበየሉ እዩ።

 ከምቲ ፅውፅዋይ ናይ ዓረብ ይኹን ከምቲ ብመዛግብቲ ዝተረጋገፀ ኣብረሃ ዝተብሃለ ናይሃፀይ ካሌብ ወትሃደር ኣብ ሰንዓ እታ ብግዚኡ ዝዓበየት ቤተክርስቲያን ኣህነፀ። ኩሉ ኣብ ዓረብያ ዝነብር ሰብ ብዘየካ ንክርስቶስ ንዝኾነ ይኹን ካሊእ ኣምላኽ ከይሰግድ ኣወጀ። ኮይኑ ግና ኣብ መካ ዝብሃል ዓዲ ካእባ ዝብሃል ብዙሓት ኣማልኽቲ ዝምለኹሉ ቦታ ከምዘሎ ምስ ሰምዐ ኩሎም መካውያን ንኻልኦት ኣማልኽቲ ምስጋድ ገዲፎም ንሓደ ኣምላኽ ክሰግዱን ክንዲ ናብ ካእባ እናኸዱ መፅበዓ ምግባር ናብ ሰንዓ መፂኦም ናብ እግዚኣብሄር ኣብቲ ዝሃነፆ ቤተክርስቲያን ክመፃብዑ ትእዛዝ ሰደደሎም (እዚ ቅድሚ ነቢይ መሓመድ ምውላዶምን ምስልምና ቅድሚ ምምፅኡን እዩ)። ፍርቆም ተኣዚዞም ናብ ሰንዓ ኸዱ ፍርቆም ኻዓ ኣይንእዘዝን በሉ። ኣብራሃውን ናይጣኦት ኣምልኾ ከጥፍእ ካብ ኣፍሪካን ካብ ህንዲን ዝኣከቦም ሓራምዝ ሒዙ ናብ መካ ወፈረ። 

መካ ማለት ንህዝቢ ዓረብ ቅድሚ ኩሉ ሃይማኖት ዝነበረ ናይ ሃይማኖታዊ፣ ንግዳዊን፣ ፖለቲካዊን ማእኸሎም እዩ። ከምቲ ናይ ዓረብ ፅውፅዋይ ናይ ካእባ ኣማልኽት (ቅድሚ ምስልምና) ስለዝተቆጥዑ ሓዊ ዝድርብዩ ኣዕዋፍ ኣዝሚቶም ንኣብረሃን ሰረዊቱን ምስ ሓራምዞም ወድኡወን። ከምቲ ግምታዊ መረዳእታታት ቶም ኣዕራብ ነቲ ጥንታዊ ማእኸሎም ዝኾነ ካእባ ንዘይምስኣን ኩሎም ነገዳት ዓረብ ስለዝተሓባበሩ ነኣብረሃን ሰራዊቱን ምስ ሓራምዙ ሰዓሩዎም። ኮይኑ ግና እቲ ውግእ ብዙሕ ዕንወት ኣብ ካእባ ኣብፂሑ ሓለፈ። ድሕሪኡ ኩሎም ነገዳት ዓረብ ነቶም ናይ ኣብረሃ ነገድ ዝኾኑ ኣግኣዝያን ፣ ኣክሱማውያን (ተጋሩ) ቀንዲ ፀላኢኦም ከምዝኾኑ ንደቆም እናምሃሩ ፀንሑ። ድሕሪ ሞት ነብይ መሓመድ ምስልምና ምስተስፋሕፍሐ ዓዕራብ እቲ ሕነኦም ዝፈድዩሉ ዕድል ረኸቡ። 

ነብይ መሓመድ እቲ ኣብረሃ ክገብሮ ዝሓሰበ ናይ ካእባ ኣማልኽቲ ምጥፋእን ሓደ ኣምላኽ ምምላኽን ንሶምውን ዝኣምኑሉ ስለዝኾነ ነቶም ሰዓብቶም (ሰሓባ) ናብ ናይ ኣብረሃ ሃገር ዝኾነት ኣክሱም ሰዲዶምዎም። ኮይኑ ግና ድሕሪኦም ዝመፁ መራሕቲ ናይ ዓረብ ናይ ነብይ መሓመድ ኣስተምህሮት ክንዲምትግባር ነቲ ናይ ቐደም ሕነኦም ፈደዩ። ኣብምድሪ ኣግኣዝያን ካብ ሻምናይ ክፍለዘመን ስካብ ዓሰርተሓደ ክፍለዘመን ብዙሕ ጥፍኣት በፅሐ። መብዛሕትኦም ናይ ተሃጋርያን/ኣግኣዝያን ከተማታት ዑና ኾኑ። መነኮሳት ናብ ጎላጉል ገረዓልታ ተሓብኡ ኣወዳት ናብ ደቡብ ናብ ሸዋ ሃደሙ። ካብ ሻምናይ ክፍለዘመን ጀሚሩ ትግራዋይነትን ኣግዝያዊነትን እናሃሰሰ ኢትዮጵያዊነትን ኣምሓራይነትን እናጠንከረ ኸደ። እቶም ናብደቡብ ዝሃደሙ ተጋሩ ንይኩኖ ኣምላክ ሒዞም ብትውልዶም ዓሽራይ ትውልዲ ትግራዋይ ዝኾኑ ኣቡነ ተኽለሃይማኖት ሒዞም ካብ ኣገዋውያን መንዚዖም ሓዱሽ ኣክሱማዊ መንግስቲ መሥረቱ። ኮይኑ ግና ነቲ ኣክሱማዊ ምዕባለ ክመልስዎ ኣይከኣሉን።

ተጋሩ ነቲ ኣክሱማዊ ሃገር (civilization) ንምምላስ ብዙሕ ፀዓሩ ኮይኑ ግና እቲ ኢትዮጵያ ዝባሃል መንግስቲ ትሕቲኡ ዘለዉ ነገዳት ብዙሓት ስለዝኾኑን ዝሰመረ ራእይ ስለዘይብሎምን ነታ ምዕብልቲ ኣክሱማዊት ሃገር ንምምላስ ኣይተኽኣለን። ተጋሩ ነዛ ኢትዮጵያ ትባሃል ሃገር ክ”ግእዙ” (ፅኑዕ መሠረት ከትሕዙ) ዝኸፈልዎ መሥዋእትነት ህልቆ መሣፍርት የብሉን። ንኣብነት ግራኝ ኣሕመድ ናብ ሸዋ ክዘምት እንከሎ ኣብ ግምባር ዝገጠምዎ ሰብ ሸዋ ወይ ካልኦት ከይኾኑ ተጋሩ እዮም። 

ንምሳሌ ዶ/ር ላጲሶ ዴሌቦ “የኢትዮጵያ ረጅም የህዝብና የመንግስት ታሪክ” ኣብዝብል መፅሓፎም ዝፀሓፍዎ ንመልከት...

“ኢማም ኣሕመድ ከነሠራዊቱ ወደ ኣፄው ሰፈር በደረሰ ግዜ፣ ሠፈሩን ቢትወደድ ራስ ማህፀንተ፣ ኣውራይ ኡትማን (ዓፋረታይ)፣ የትግሬ ሹም ተክለ ኢየሱስና ፃሕፈላም ሮቤል የሚባሉ ኣምስት የትግሬ ሹማምንቶች ሆነው ይጠብቁት ነበር። .... በዚህ ጦርነት ኢማሙ በነዚህ ጀግኖች ተሸንፎ ሸሸ።... በዚህ ጊዜ የኣፄው ድል ኣድራጊ ጦር በሚሸሸው የግራኝ ኣሕመድ ጦር ላይ በክትትል የጥቃት እርምጃ ቢወስድ የኢማም ኣሕመድ ፍፃሜ ይሆን ነበር።

ኢማም ኣሕመድ ሠራዊቱን ኣደራጅቶ ተመልሶ በተዋጉበት የሽምብራ ኩሬ ጦርነት በኣፄ ልብነድንግል ኣመራር ጉድለትና በኢማሙ ከፍተኛ የውጊያ ብቃት ኣሸነፈ። በጦርነቱም ከኢማሙ ከ12500 መሃል 5000 ሲሞቱ 3000ዎቹ ደግሞ ሸሽተዋል። ከኣፄው ጦር መሪዎችና ኣዛዦች 211 ሲሞቱ ከእነዚህም 86 ትግሬዎች ነበሩ። በጦር ሜዳው የወደቁ የትግሬ ወታደሮች ቁጥር ደግሞ 10000 ነበር.. ”

 ድሕሪኡውን ኣብ መተማ ይኹን ኣብ ኩፊት፣ ዶግዓሊ፣ ኣብ ዓድዋ ይኹን ኣብ ኦጋዴን ናይተጋሩ መስዋእትነት ዝፍለጥ እዩ። ካብቲ ፖለቲካዊን ወትሃደራዊ ብዝበለፀ ነቲ ቀዲማዊ ምዕባሌ ንምምላስ ብኣባ ጤሞቴዎስ፣ ኣባ እስጢፋኖስን ሰዓብቶምን፣ ብዘርኣያዕቆብ፣ ብገብረሂወት ባይከዳኝ ዝተገበሩ ፃዕሪታት ንፈልጦ እዩ።

እቲ ተጋሩ ንገብሮ እዚ ኹሉ ፃዕሪ ልምንታይ ኣይሰለጠልናን ዝብል ሕቶ መልሲ የድልዮ እዩ። እቲ መልሲ ኣብቲ ኮሎኔል ቢኒያም ዝተበርሃሉ ስነልቦናዊ ውቕሮና ዝተፈላለየ ምዃን እዩ። ናይተጋሩ ስነልቦና ብናይ “ገኣዚነት” (standard/order setter), ተሃጋራይነት (civilized and civilizer) ዝግለፅ እንትኸውን ናይካልኦት መብዛሕቶም ነገዳት ባህሪ ብተመሓዳዳሪነት/ተገዛኢነት (Being subject) ዝግለፅ እዩ። ንምሳሌ ተመሓዳሪ (ተገዛኢ፣ subject) ዝኾነ ማሕበረሰብ ነቲ ገዛኢ ወዲቑ ክረኽቦ ከሎ የዋርዶ፣ ይቕጥቕጦ፣ ይቐትሎ። “ኣግኣዚ”፣ “ተሃጋራይ” (civilized) ዝኾነ ማሕበረሰብ ግና ወላ ንዝበደሎ ሰብ ብሕጊ ክፍረድ ይገብር እምበር ካሊእ ናይ ዓመፅን ኽፍኣትን ተግባራት ኣይፍፅምን። ነተን ዝሓለፋ ክልተ ዓመታት ሓዊስካ ኣብኩሉ ታሪኽ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ዝተርኣየውን ንሱ እዩ።

ስለዝኾነ ተጋሩ ናብቲ ቀዲማዊ፣ ኣግኣዚያዊ፣ ተሃጋራይ መንነትና ተመሊስና ነቲ ምግኣዝ ይኹን ምህጋር ከምብሓዲሽ ክንጅምሮ ይግባእ። ከምቲ ገብረሂወት ባይከዳኝ “ካብ ሕጊ ዘይብላ ዓባይ ሃገር ሕጊ ዘለዋ ንእሽተይ ከተማ ቁምነገር ትሰርሕ” ዝበሎ ኣንሕናውን ካብ ንእሽተይ ክንጅምር ይግባእ። ከም ኣቦታትና ከተማና ነጠንክር። መንነትና ንኾልዕ። ሕጊን ሥርዓትን ዘለዎ ህዝቢን መንግስቲን ንኹን። ኣብውሽጢ ኢትዮጵያ ይኹን ኤርትራ ዝነብሩ ህዝቢ ካብ ዘለዉዎ ድኽነት ክድሕኑን ክምዕብሉን ዝኽእሉ እቲ ናይ “ምህጋር” (civilize) ይኹን “ምግኣዝ” (create order, standard) ስነልቦና ዘለዎ ህዝቢ እንተጠንኪሩን ዓብሊሉን እዩ።

 ኢትዮጵያዊነት ይኹን ኤርትራዊነት ፖለቲካዊ ሓሳባት እምበር ቀዲማዊ መንነትና ኣይኮኑን። ተጋሩ ኢትዮጵያውያን ነታ ኢትዮጵያ ትባሃል ፖለቲካዊ ሓሳብ ብዙሕ ከፊልናላ ኢና። ኤርትራውያን ተጋሩውን ነቲ ኤርትራዊ ዝባሃል ፖለቲካዊ መንነት ብዙሕ ኸፊሎም እዮም። ኮይኑ ግና ኣብ ፅኑዕ መሠረት ዘይንደቕ ፖለቲካዊ መንነት ከምቲ ንሪኦ ብርቱዕ ንፋስ ምስነፈሰሉ ምፍራሱ ኣይተርፍን። ፅኑዕ መሠረት ዝንደቕ ኣብላዕሊ ዝርኣይ ዋልካ መሬት ኲዒትካ ገሊህካ ኣብቲ ድልዱል ዓለት ምስበፃሕካ እዩ። ኢትዮጵያዊነትን ኤርትራዊነትን ከምቲ ዋልካ መሬት ኣብላዕሊ ዝተፅዓኑ መንነታት እዮም። እቲ ውሽጣዊ መንነትና ትግራዋይነት፣ ኣግኣዚነት፣ ሰብኣዊነት እዩ።

መርሥኤ ኪዳን
mersea.kidan@gmail.com

Strategically Misdirected and Misaligned GERD Negotiation

By  Makonnen Tesfaye

                                         እጅግአየሁ  ሽባባው "አባይ "' ( በ አክሱም ፖስት የተጨመረ }

The Construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD)

“The one and only solution to the equitable and reasonable utilisation of the shared water of Abay is through a Win-Win approach and meaningful political consultations of all Ethiopian stake holders”

1. The Tragic Political Drama Over the Blue Nile

1.1The fundamental weakness of PM Abiy Ahmed’s negotiation strategy over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) and the underlying and larger issue of the equitable and reasonable allocation of the shared water of the Blue Nile has been vividly exposed by the current negotiation impasse, which is characterised bythe PM’s request to postpone the negotiation process at the 11^th hour; the unveiled threats against Ethiopia by the US and Egypt; and the absence of an overarching strategic direction  of  Ethiopia’s national interests over Abay.  The Government’s request to postpone the negotiation for the purpose consultation (what consultation at the last minute after 5 years of negotiation!) is a sham as it is dramatic and tragic to put it bluntly. The truth is that this is akin to withdrawing from an ongoing boxing match(a rigged boxing match characterised by a biased referee and judges) at the concluding rounds, pleading for more practising time after sustaining several rounds of pounding and to avoid an inevitable TKO. The postponement should be supported since it is better late than never, but will the Government return to the rigged negotiations? Has the Government an alternative overarching strategy?

1.2The pertinent questions in the Country are how did we reach at this position of impasse and how do we come out of it and move forward. Furthermore, the crucial questions are whether the postponement is a short-term political expediency for electoral purposes and is not a strategic response, or whether we need a different, viable strategic framework of negotiation that safeguards Ethiopia’s national interest over the Blue Nile.

2. “Internationalisation” of the GERD Project is the Problem, Stupid!

2.1Internationalising of the GERD Project has been the principal strategy of Egypt over the last decade and thisis for the purpose ofundermining Ethiopia’s sovereign right to control and manage its own national projects. In terms of a negotiation strategy, this is to fundamentally nullify Ethiopia’s advantage and ability to dictate the terms of the negotiation. Hitherto, the only onus on Ethiopia is to address Egypt’s legitimate concerns by providing appropriate mechanisms where these concerns could be transparently addressed. The establishment of an International Panel of Experts (IPOE) agreed by all parties to advise on technical issues; the disclosure and provision of pertinent technical and operational documents on the GERD to Egypt by Ethiopiaand the provision of negotiation based on good will principle will more than meet the requirements for addressing Egyptian concerns.

2.2 Furthermore and crucially important, the“Declaration of Principles (DOP)” signed by Ethiopia, Egypt and Sudan in March 2015 does not commit or legally require any of the parties to bring in third-party mediators. Article 10 of the DOP stipulates that:

“The three countries commit to settle any dispute resulting from the interpretation or application of the declaration of principles through talks or negotiations based on the good will principle. If the parties involved do not succeed in solving the dispute through talks or negotiations, they can ask for mediation or refer the matter to their heads of states or prime ministers”.(Underlinedby author)

(Article 10 of the Declaration of Principles Signed by Ethiopia, Egypt and Sudan in March 2015)

2.3The Meles Zenawi and Haile-Mariam Desalegn Governments’ refusal in the past to internationalise the GERD Project was correct since it successfully countered Egypt’s repeated attempts to involve third parties’ in the GERD negotiations. However, former PM Haile-Mariam’s recent interview with Ethio360 where he expressed the need and inevitability of involving the US and the World Bank (because the US and the World Bank pressures are too strong to resist!) is not only contrary to the past EPRDF’s firm position not to internationalise the GERD Project but is also fatalist, defeatist and comprador in its political and ideologicalessence.Suffice to say that this only demonstrates the extent of the EPRDF Leadership’s political and ideological “degeneration” to the point of becoming cronies and dependent of external forces in the latter years of the Front’s existence, which paved the way for the emergence of a completely comprador party in the form of the Prosperity Party.

2.4Although many have correctly figured out that involving the US and the World Bank was the most disadvantageous and stupidest scenario for Ethiopia (due to the obvious imperatives of US’s and World Bank’s strategic and geo-political interests to advance Egyptian position at the expense of Ethiopia), a number of commentators seem to miss out the kernel issue, which is the internationalisation of the GERD project. Some have argued the need to involve the EU, UN etc. which will still internationalise the issue. Furthermore, it is innocence of the highest order, if not stupid, to assume that the EU or the UN would act impartially, given the entrenched position of Egyptian interests in international institutions.  Similarly, involving South Africa or the AU will still internationalise the issue (which is the point) although one can possibly assume they could be neutral on the matter. Although a second best scenario, Egypt would still accept South African or AU mediation since it will serve Egyptian principal negotiation strategy, which is to internationalise the GERD project at any opportunity.

3. Postponementis a Short-term Political Expediency not a Strategic Response

3.1It is now clear (as can be discerned from leaked information)   some members of the Ethiopian Technical Team  threatened to resign and expose  US’s and World  Bank’s  undue pressure on Ethiopia and the weak response and disposition of the political-wing of the Negotiating Team and the PM to sign-off the Tentative Agreement following the 15^thJanuary 2020 meeting. That the Abiy Government was ready to sign the Tentative Agreement can be discerned by the Joint Statement by Ethiopia, Egypt, Sudan, the US and the World Bank on 15 January 2020 and the upbeat and “optimism” expressed at the Press Briefing given at the Ethiopian Embassy in Washington DC by Gedu Andargachew, Foreign Minister, and Seleshi Bekele (PhD), Water, Irrigation and Energy Minister, on 17 January 2020 (Source: Ethio360 17.01.2020).The essential take aways of the Briefing (given to a selected audience, lacking transparency, inclusiveness and accountability as usual!) was that the Tentative Agreement safeguards Ethiopia’s interests and that subject to tying the loose ends of some minor technical issues pertaining to the filling of the Dam, the document was essentially ready to be put into a legal document for signing-off at the end of February 2020. Crucially, the delegation confirmed at the Press Briefing that the Ethiopian Government was ready to cede 37 bcm of water, on average, annually out of the average annual total water flow of 49-50 bcm of the Blue Nile, conferring a minimum 75% share of the Blue Nile water to Egypt and Sudan (refer to Aigaform article on 17 January 2020: http://aigaforum.com/article2020/Ethiopia-to-Cede-Right-Blue-Nile-Water-to-Egypt-Sudan.htm). This is against Egypt’s request of 40 bcm water share (i.e.80% share!), which is not different from its “historical claim” since colonial times. There lies the true magnitude and significance of Egyptian victory at the expense of Ethiopia according to the Tentative Agreement that was scheduled to be signed-off at the end of February 2020. This is not a Win-Win settlement by any measure of equity when viewed by current and future generations of Ethiopians.

4. How a Month of Political Developments and Protests Made a Difference

4.1 The sudden and panicky decision to seek a postponement of the negotiation at the 11^th hour is the result of a number of developments including the threats of resignations and exposure by some members of the Ethiopian Technical Team as alluded above. Perhaps more importantly it was also due to the mounting criticisms of the Tentative Agreement and the overall direction and framework of the negotiation, in particular the perceived bias of the US and the World Bank that fundamentally weakened Ethiopia’s positions in favour of Egypt’s.

4.2 The Tentative Agreementhas been criticised by legal and professional experts in Ethiopia and in the Diaspora for allowing Egypt to secure its “historic claims” of water share through the backdoor of the technical issues pertaining to the filling and operation of the GERD. In essence and in the first degree Egypt’s interest and rush for an agreement was intended to secure its lion’s share of the shared water of the Blue Nile at the expense of Ethiopia. It also became very apparent that - contrary to the deliberately false statements by the Ethiopian Government on the US and the World Bank roles in the negotiations (for which many governments would resign for public disinformation on a supreme matter of national interest!) - the USA and the World Bank were not mere Observers butalso active and self-serving Mediators,Negotiators and Hegemonic Enforcers.

4.3 On the home front the Tentative Agreement has come under increased scrutiny and has been severely criticised by some of the leaders of the Opposition Parties, in particular by Dr Debrezion[i], Ato Lidetu, Ato Yilikal and Ato Derege, amongst others. Some have even threatened to galvanise massive popular demonstrations against the perceived “sell-out” Agreement that fundamentally undermines Ethiopia’s interests over Abay with adverse implications over national sovereignty, invoking similarities with the “Wuchalle Treaty” that undermined Ethiopia’s sovereigntyby past colonial powers.

4.4 The upshot of the above is that the Government has been pressurised to postpone the negotiationas the result of the mounting domestic criticisms of what is now clearly seen as a sell-out Tentative Agreement and given the likelihood of it inciting massive national protests during the year of General Election. The point, however,is that a postponement on its own as opposed to a strategic withdrawal from the internationalisation of the GERD Project is not a viable strategic response but rather is a short-term political expediency by the PM.What is required is to address the kernel issue of the misdirected and misaligned strategic framework of the negotiation, in particular the role of third-parties.Similarly, there is a need to separate the long-term issue of the water right over the Blue Nile and the short term, project-specific issue of the technicalities of the filling and operation of the GERD in a manner that does not undermine Ethiopia’s ownership of the Project and its long-term interest whilst at the same time addressing Egypt’s and Sudan’s legitimate concerns through the IPOE mechanism, good will principle and negotiations confined to the concerned parties only.

5. From Observation, Mediation and Negotiation to Bribery and Threat!

5.1 It is surreal how quickly allegedly neutral observers have suddenly changed to become mediators, negotiators and now hegemonic enforcers. The US and World Bank threats that Ethiopia ought  to return to the rigged Negotiation ASAP and not to begin the filling of the GERD prior to signing the Tentative Agreement is tantamount to an infringement on Ethiopia’s sovereignty  and its ownership of the GERD. As argued above, there is no legal requirement on Ethiopia to return to the negotiation table involving third parties. Moreover, as the owner of the GERD Project that is situated on its sovereign territory, it is entitled to begin the filling of the Dam. The onus on Ethiopia is to address Egypt’s legitimate concerns through the IPOE mechanism and negotiations based on good will principle involving the concerned parties without third parties. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ (MOFA) response, though purporting to be diplomatic, has the whole mark of a comprador Government response for its lack of robust and resolute defence of the national interest and sovereignty of the Country. The Ethiopian Foreign Minister, Gedu Andargachew, at a Press Conference held in Addis Ababa on 3 March 2020,  characterised the US communique as “undiplomatic”,  but confirmed that Ethiopia would return to the negotiation table, indicating that the postponement is not a strategic withdrawal from the existing rigged negotiation framework. Worryingly, Foreign Minister Gedu appeared to be baffled,belatedly asking clarification on (at this late stage!) US mediation role in the negotiation.  On the other hand the US President has assured the Egyptian President that the US would continue to work tirelessly to mediate the negotiation and resolve the dispute. Confirming US pressure on Ethiopia, the former US Ambassador in Ethiopia, David Shinn, stated that the US is lining upwith Egypt at the expense of Ethiopia. The upshot of all of this is that the Ethiopian public needs to be aware of the pressure and arm-twisting by the US and the World Bank on the Government by being vigilant and ensuring the Government does not succumb to such pressure.

5.2 It is crucially important to remember that Ethiopia under the EPRDF Government led by the late PM Meles Zenawi (and to some extent by former PM Haile-Marian Desalegn) maintained its national policy independence to a large extent by resisting undue pressure whilst pursing the GERD Project. In fact, it even managed to secure, without unduly compromising the Country’s independence, billions ofDollars of Official Development Assistance (ODA) from Western powers and institutions as well registering record foreign direct investment (FDI) for economic development other than for the direct use on the GERD project. In the present multi-polar world you do not need to be a comprador regime to secure ODA or FDI provided you have a non-aligned foreign policy that is based on developmental priorities and national political consensus. If anything you get respect and recognition globally for being principled and resolute in protecting your national interests, unlike for a dependent and weak government that is manipulated and pushed around.

5.3 The Egyptian Government has taken cue from the US and has begun to intimidate Ethiopia by threatening to use all means possibleto bring Ethiopia back to the rigged negotiations and to stop the filling of the GERD. This is in line with an age-old Egypt’sstrategy of securing its “historic claim” over the water of the Blue Nile through threats, amongst others.  As the late PM Meles Zenawi told Parliament in the past,the response must be not to be intimidated whilst taking all precautions against potential Egyptian miscalculations. It is important to emphasise the one and only solution to the equitable and reasonable utilisation of the waters of the Blue Nile and the associated mitigation issues is the peaceful, Win-Win approach and solution. Similarly, the specific issues of the filling and operation of the GERD need to be addressed in accordance with the letter and spirit of the DOP, not by internationalising the issue orthreats, which is a Lose-Lose, Zero-Sum political game for all parties.

6. The Way Forward and What is to be Done

6.1 The postponement of the negotiation at the 11^thhour is a victory for the resistance shown by some members of the Ethiopian Negotiating Team; growing national resentment and protests; criticisms by national experts and professionals inside the Country and in the Diaspora; and social media activists who fought against the sell-out Tentative Agreement that was about to cedeover 75% rights over the water of the Blue Nile to lower riparian countries, which is tantamount to a national betrayal and treachery. What is crucially important is to recognise that it is only a postponement, not a strategic response by the Government. In fact, it is a short-term political expediency by the Government to avert the mounting criticisms and with an eye to the upcoming General Election.  The upshot is that national protests and scrutiny by experts and professionals do matter, and ought to continue and should be sustained. Moreover, the Opposition Parties need to be explicit and take clear political positions on the matter. This is more so during the year of General Election. The domestic media, in particular the establishment media,  need to cease to be cheer leaders for the Government, and instead must raise the issue to the top of the national political agenda.

6.2 Caught pants-down and red-handed as well as forced to seek a postponement of the negotiation, the Government will inevitably make good of its bad job by appearing to defend Ethiopia’s national interest over Abay. This is to be expected of a politician who initially rose to prominence on a populist platform of “Ethiopiawinet”. We now know the Emperor has no cloth and the public will not be hoodwinked this time since we all know perfectly well that the PM was predisposed to sign-off the sell-out Tentative Agreement until the 11^th hour had it not been for the threats of resignations and exposure by some members of the Ethiopian Negotiating Team and the building up of national resentment and protests that present detrimental political implication for the beleaguered PM on the eve a General Election.

6.3 The Government has already got away by undermining the GERD project by downsizing its energy generating capacity by 20%, diminishing national and independent industrial capacity(e.g. METK with all its deficiencies and shortcomings); increasing national dependency on foreign firms; and side-lining leading project personnel (e.g. the late Engineer Simegnew) as well as by deflating the moral and focus of the Country with regard to the Dam. It is time that further damage is prevented through national political re-awaking and mobilisation in order to secure and to make the GERD happen.

6.4 Notwithstanding the postponement, and as it is, the negotiation is strategically misdirected and misaligned by being internationalised to Ethiopia’s disadvantage. Ethiopia has to de-internationalise it by walking away from the negotiation framework that is essentially asymmetric and against its national interests. The whole point of a negotiation is that any party can walk away from it when it is apparent that it is rigged against its interest. As alluded above, there is no legal requirement of the DOP or Ethiopia has not made a binding commitment to involve third parties. Involving other parties (e.g. South Africa, or the AU or others for that matter) in lieu of or otherwise of the US and the World Bank misses the whole point. It is to Ethiopia’s disadvantage to internationalise the GERD Project (apart on issues of the long-term equitable and reasonable utilisation of the water of the Nile, and mitigation mattersthat should involve the whole of the Nile Basin countries. An example is the Nile Basin Initiative).

6.5 It is also vitally important to separate and uncouple the short-term, project-specific issue of the technicalities of the filling and operations of the GERD Project from the long-term issue of the share of the water of the Blue Nile. Egypt’s stratagem is to secure its “historic claim” of the share of the Blue Nile (and also of the White Nile by creating a precedent!) through the backdoor of technicalities as per the Tentative Agreement that was about to be signed-off at the end of February 2020.

6.6 Ethiopians must be aware of the pressure being applied by the US and the World Bank on the Government as well the unveiled threat by the Egyptian Government. Moreover, such threats must be countered through concerted and unified fronts and by advocating peaceful and Win-Win solutions. Putting aside the history of controversies (that includes the good, the bad and the ugly) amongst the Ethiopian Diaspora pertaining to the origin, development and Bond Funding of the GERD Project, they must come together to safeguard Ethiopia’s interests and sovereignty by supporting the postponement but most of all by pressing the Government to withdraw from the rigged negotiation and to adopt an overarching strategy that safeguards the Country’s interests.

6.7In the final analysis, the issue of the GERD and the much larger matter of the share of the Blue Nile water are too important to be left to a handful of challenged politicians and to too severely compromised Government of Abiy Ahmed. Parliament, experts and citizens need to be consulted (not like the token and sham meeting the PM had with a handful of experts at the 11^th hour of the negotiation!)  on what constitutes an equitable and reasonable use of the shared water of the Blue Nile  with a view to reaching an agreement and consensus  on Ethiopia’s long-term and lasting interest on the Blue Nile.  This is a most important national interest and sovereignty decision the country has to make given the profoundly historical and inter-generational implications. Many would argue that failure to undertake informed, transparent and inclusive public dialogue with a view to reaching a national consensus on the issue is tantamount to a historical betrayal and national treachery. Moreover, the question of Ethiopia’s lasting interest on the use of the water of the Blue Nile is too important a question to be decided in the current political climate and under an illegitimate and incompetent Government; instead it requires a Government with a clear democratic mandate and authority, and a much more unified national approach and consensus. This is as in the spirit of the 124^th anniversary of Ethiopia’s Victory at Adwa against colonialism and imperialism.